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sexta-feira, 15 de agosto de 2008

PESQUISA :"Naval Blockade" or All Out War Against Iran? [PARA OS ESTUDIOSOS]

"Naval Blockade" or All Out War Against Iran?

by Michel Chossudovsky
Global Research, August 13, 2008

Author's Note

Shortly after this article was released on August 13, US military sources as well as Stratfor (a Strategic Studies Think Tank) stated that the various press reports (UPI, Middle East Times, Kuwait Times, Debka) regarding the naval deployment to the Middle East were incorrect.

According to the press reports (see UPI, August 11, 2008), the war ships involved in the "Operation Brimstone" war games off the US North Atlantic coast, had set sail for the Middle East. This information is apparently incorrect, according to the US Navy and Stratfor.

It is worth noting that the Kuwaiti government had activated emergency procedures based on the information pertaining to a major naval deployment in the Persian Gulf.


Based on the movement and location of USS carrier and expeditionary strike forces, the Bush administration has not decided to carry out a naval surge directed against Iran immediately following the conduct of the North Atlantic War Games,

The eventuality of a naval blockade directed against Iran is nonetheless being considered by the Pentagon. In fact, the naval blockade initiative is supported by a bill which was launched in the US Congress in late May. (See below for details).

We have checked the most recent information regarding the movements and location of the various USS Carrier and Expeditionary Strike Groups.

The text first released on August 13 has been revised. Corrections, and updates to the text are indicated.

We will provide further updates and analysis as more information becomes available.


Michel Chossudovsky, August 14, 2008

The Bush administration is envisaging the possibility of launching a naval blockade directed against Iran.

Extensive war games were held off the US Atlantic Coastline under "Operation Brimstone" in late July.

These war games were activated shortly after the submission in the US House of Representatives (May 22), of a bill (H CON 362) which called upon the Bush administration to carry out an economic blockade directed against Iran.

"Operation Brimstone": North Atlantic Ocean War Games

Joint Task Force Exercise (JTFEX) 08-4 'Operation Brimstone' commenced on July 21 in North Carolina and off the Eastern US Atlantic coast from Virginia to Florida. Of significance was the participation of British, French, Brazilian and Italian naval forces as part of a multinational US naval exercise directed against Iran.

More than a dozen ships participated in the naval exercise including the USS Theodore Roosevelt and its Carrier Strike Group Two, the expeditionary Strike Group Iwo Jima, the French submarine Amethyste, Britain's HMS Illustrious Carrier Strike Group, Brazil's navy frigate Greenhalgh and Italy's ITS Salvatore Todaro (S 526) submarine. (See Middle East Times, August 11, 2008 , Dailypress.com, July 28, 2008 , www.mt-milcom.blogspot.com)

Stating the purpose of a war game and identifying the real "foreign enemy" by name is not the normal practice, unless there is a decision to send an unequivocal message to the enemy.

Invariably in war games, the foreign enemy is given a fictitious country name: Irmingham, Nemazee, Rubeck and Churia stand for Iran, North Korea, Russia and China (codes used in the Vigilant Shield 07 War Games' Scenario opposing the US to four fictitious enemies. (See William Arkin, The Vigilant Shield 07 War Games: Scenario opposing the US to Russia, China, Iran and North Korea, Washington Post, February 10, 2007)

In the case of "Operation Brimstone", the stated military purpose of the naval exercise is crystal clear: the North Atlantic war games are carried out with a view "to practice enforcing an eventual blockade on Iran". These naval exercises are intended to display US and allied "combat capabilities as a warning to Iran." They are tantamount to a declaration of war:

"The drill is aimed at training for operation in shallow coastal waters such as the Persian Gulf and the Strait of Hormuz."

The USS Theodore Roosevelt equipped with 80-plus combat planes, was carrying an additional load of French Naval Rafale fighter jets from the French carrier Charles de Gaulle. (Ibid).

France's E2C Hawkeye early warning aircraft, which was "assigned to the 4th Squadron began flight operations with Carrier Air Wing (CVW) 8 aboard Roosevelt, marking the first integrated U.S. and French carrier qualifications aboard a U.S. aircraft carrier. French Rafale fighter aircraft assigned to the 12th Squadron also joined." Navy.mil, July 24, 2008

Anglo-US war games are a routine practice. What is significant in these large scale naval manoeuvres is the active participation of France, Brazil and Italy in war games which are explicitly directed against Iran.

The participation of these countries in extensive war games points to broad consensus. It also suggests that the participating nations have accepted (in political and military terms) to participate in a US-led military operation directed against Iran. The active participation of France and to a lesser extent Italy also suggests that the European Union is firmly behind the US initiative:

"Operations with our friends and allies are the cornerstone of the U.S. Navy's current maritime strategy," said Capt. Ladd Wheeler, Roosevelt's commanding officer. "These combined operations will certainly pay dividends into the future as our navies continue to work together to increase global security."Navy.mil, July 24, 2008

Another important precedent has been set. Brazil's President Luis Ignacio da Silva has ordered the dispatch of the Greenhalgh Frigate, marking the first time that a Brazilian warship (under a government which claims to be "socialist") has operated as part of a US. strike group in war games directed against a foreign country.According to the Greenhalgh's Commander Claudio Mello, "It allows us to be one more asset in an international operation." (Pilot Online.com, July 28, 2008)


Congressional Initiative

The naval blockade against Iran, which is tantamount to a declaration of war is a bipartisan project, which has tacitly been endorsed by the Democrats. In May 2008, a bill was introduced in the House of Representatives (H.CON. RES 362) that called for the enforcement of an all out economic blockade, including the encroachment of trade and the freeze of monetary transactions with the Islamic Republic:

"The President [shall] initiate an international effort to immediately and dramatically increase the economic, political, and diplomatic pressure on Iran .... prohibiting the export to Iran of all refined petroleum products; imposing stringent inspection requirements on all persons, vehicles, ships, planes, trains, and cargo entering or departing Iran; and prohibiting the international movement of all Iranian officials not involved in negotiating the suspension of Iran's nuclear program."

"[H. CON. RES. 362] urges the President, in the strongest of terms, to immediately use his existing authority to impose sanctions on the Central Bank of Iran, ... international banks which continue to conduct financial transactions with proscribed Iranian banks; ... energy companies that have invested $20,000,000 or more in the Iranian petroleum or natural gas sector in any given year since the enactment of the Iran Sanctions Act of 1996; and all companies which continue to do business with Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps." (See full text of H.CON RES 362) (emphasis added)

Meanwhile, H CON RES 362 has been referred to the House Foreign Affairs Committee. A similar procedure has taken plance in the Senate.Concurrent Military Operations: War in the Caucasus

The planning of a naval blockade by the Bush administration (Operation Brimstone, H Con 362) occurs at the very outset of an unfolding crisis in the Caucasus, marked by the Georgian air and ground attacks on South Ossetia and Russia's counterattack. The timing and chronology of these related and concurrent military operations is crucial.

We are not dealing with separate and unrelated military events. The war in Georgia is an integral part of US-NATO-Israeli war preparations in relation to Iran.

Georgia does not act militarily without the assent of Washington. The Georgian head of State is a US proxy and Georgia is a de facto US protectorate.

The attack on South Ossetia was launched by Georgia on the orders of the US and NATO. US military advisers and trainers were actively involved in the planning of Georgia's attacks on the South Ossetia capital. (For further details see Michel Chossudovsky, War in the Caucasus, Towards a Broader Russia-US Military Confrontation, Global Research, August 10, 2008)
Russia is an ally of Iran.

Russia is currently caught up in a military confrontation with Georgia. The Georgian attack on South Ossetia constitutes an act of provocation directed against Russia. It creates an aura of instability in the Caucasus, marked by heavy civilian casualties. It serves to distract Russia from playing a meaningful diplomatic and military role, which might undermine or obstruct the US-led war plans directed against Iran.

Both Russia and China have bilateral military cooperation agreements with Iran. Russia supplies the Islamic Republic with military hardware and technical expertise in relation to Iran's air defense system and missile program.

Since 2005, Iran has an observer member status in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). In turn, the SCO has ties to the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), an overlapping military cooperation agreement between Russia, Armenia, Belarus, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, the Kyrgyz Republic, Tajikistan.

The structure and strength of military alliances is crucial. In the context of US war plans directed against Iran, the US is intent upon weakening Iran's allies, namely Russia and China. In the case of China, Washington is seeking to disrupt Beijing's bilateral ties with Tehran as well as Iran's rapprochement with the SCO, which has its headquarters in Beijing.

The Georgian attack on South Ossetia seeks to undermine Russia, which constitutes a significant countervailing military power and ally of Iran.

The ultimate objective is to isolate Iran, cut it off from its powerful allies: China and Russia.
In Washington's mindset, the events in Georgia coupled with media propaganda, can be usefully applied to discredit and weaken Russia prior to the enforcement of a naval blockade on Iran in the Persian Gulf, which could lead into an all out war on Iran.

This somewhat crude line of reasoning tends, however, to overlook America's own military setbacks and weaknesses as well as the enormous risks to America and the World which could result from a continued and sustained confrontation with Russia, let alone an attack on Iran.

In view of the evolving situation in Georgia and Moscow's military commitments in the Caucasus, military analysts believe that Russia will not protect Iran and encroach upon a US led operation directed against Iran, which would be preceded by a naval blockade.

In other words, Washington believes that Moscow is unlikely to get actively involved in a showdown with US and allied forces in the Persian Gulf.

Naval Deployment

According to press reports, upon completing the North Atlantic war games on July 31st, the participating warships in "Operation Brimstone" headed for the Middle East, to join up with other carrier strike groups and a constellation of US, British and French war ships. Which Carrier Strike groups and Expeditionary Forces sailed for the Middle East upon the completion of "Operation Brimstone" remains to be ascertained. Below we provide the most recent information pertaining to the movement of Carrier Strike Groups and Expeditionary Strike GroupsAccording to Stratfor and military sources: -the USS Iwo Jima and the USS Theodore Roosevelt, according to Stratfor, returned to their home port in Norfolk after concluding participation in JTFEX Operation Brimstone on July 31

-the nuclear powered USS Ronald Reagan Carrier and its Strike Group Seven; according to Stratfor USS Reagan is currently under way in the South China Sea on a routine deployment in the 7th fleet area of responsibility (AOR) (Indian Ocean and Western Pacific)

-the USS Abraham Lincoln is in the Arabian Sea (confirmed by Strafor, "operations in the 5th fleet AOR, which includes Iraq and Afghanistan", namely Ariabian Sea,

- the USS Peleliu which was in the Red Sea and Gulf of Aden. (latest news from Stratfor USS Peleliu is in the Arabian Sea, "operations in the 5th fleet AOR, which includes Iraq and Afghanistan")

In other words, there are at present (August 14, 2008) two Strike Groups in the region: USS Abraham Lincoln, northern Arabian Sea, USS Peleliu Strike Group, northern Arabian sea. There is no confirmation as to whether the USS Ronald Reagan is moving towards the Arabian Sea. "Maritime Security" to Enforce a Naval BlockadeUS Central Command (CENTCOM) under the helm of General Petraeus, coordinates out of Bahrain so-called Maritime Security Operations (MSO) in Middle East waters ( Gulf of Aden, Gulf of Oman, Arabian Sea, Red Sea and Indian Ocean).

This MSO initiative is conducted by the Combined Maritime Force (CMF) with a powerful armada of 36 warships.

Established at the outset of the Iraq war, CMF involves the participation of the US, Canada, Australia, UK, Germany, Australia, Italy, the Netherlands, New Zealand, Portugal, Spain, Turkey and Pakistan.

There are several combined task forces responsible for maritime security (including CTF 150, CTF 152 and the CTF 158 North Arabian Gulf (NAG))

The mandate of the Combined Task Forces "aims to establish security and stability by countering terrorism in the Middle Eastern maritime environment and allowing legitimate mariners to operate safely in the area..." (see Canadian Navy, News),

In the present context, this multinational naval alliance, will be used to encroach upon maritime trade with Iran as well as play an active role in implementing the proposed economic blockade of Iran.

Canada has recently deployed three war ships to the Arabian sea, including HMC Iroquois along with HMC Calgary and HMC Protecteur which will be operating under CTF 150, which is responsible for MSO in the Gulf of Aden, the Gulf of Oman, the Arabian Sea, the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean.

Among the 36 war vessels involved in so-called Maritime Security Operations, are:
RBNS Sabha (FFG 90) – The Bahraini flagship of CTF 152 conducting Maritime Security Operations (MSO) in the Central and Southern Arabian Gulf.

USS Harry S. Truman (CVN 75) – The U.S. flagship of CTF 50, conducting MSO in the Central and Southern Arabian Gulf , as well as support Operations Enduring Freedom and Iraqi Freedom. (currently in the Atlantic Ocean according to Stratfor).

FS Guepratte (F 714) – French Navy ship operating as part of CTF 150 in the North Arabian Sea, Gulf of Aden, Gulf of Oman, Red Sea and the Indian Ocean.

USCGC Wrangell (WPB 1332) – One of several USCG 110’ patrol boats conducting MSO in the North Arabian Gulf.

HMAS Arunta (F 151) – Australian Navy ship conducting MSO as part of CTF 158 .

PNS Tippu Sultan (D 186) – Pakistan Navy ship conducting MSO as part of CTF 150.

RFA Cardigan Bay (L 3009) – British Royal Navy auxiliary ship operating with CTF 158.

USS Port Royal (CG 73) – US Navy guided-missile cruiser deployed with USS Tarawa Expeditionary Strike Group.

Source: US Naval forces, Central Command, Fifth fleet, Combined Maritime Forces

Naval Blockade

The first stage of a naval blockade directed against Iran would in all likelihood be initiated by Maritime Security Operations (MSO) under USCENTCOM.

For Iran, a naval blockade were to be implemented is tantamount to a declaration of war. The blockade constitutes a blatant violation of international law. According to Francis Boyle, a renowned specialist in international law: "A blockade is an act of war under international and domestic law. A "Blockade" is a term used under international law to specifically refer to belligerent measures taken by a nation for the purposes of preventing the passage of vessels or aircraft to and from another country. Customary international law recognizes blockades as an act of war because of the belligerent use of force even against third party nations in enforcing the blockade. Blockades as acts of war have been recognized as such in the Declaration of Paris of 1856 and the Declaration of London of 1909 that delineate the international rules of warfare.

"Meanwhile, war preparations are also being undertaken by Israel and NATO in the Eastern Mediterranean. German war ships are stationed off the Syrian coastline. Turkey which constitutes a major military actor within NATO is a major partner of the US led coalition. It has an extended bilateral military cooperation agreement with Israel. Turkey has borders with both Iran and Syria. (For further details see Michel Chossudovsky, "Triple Alliance": The US, Turkey, Israel and the War on Lebanon, Global Research, August 6, 2006)

Pre-emptive Nuclear War

A diabolical and related consensus is emerging at the political level, pointing to the pre-emptive first strike use of nuclear weapons in the Middle East war theater, more concretely against Iran:

"In January 2005, at the outset of the military build-up directed against Iran, USSTRATCOM was identified as "the lead Combatant Command for integration and synchronization of DoD-wide efforts in combating weapons of mass destruction." To implement this mandate, a brand new command unit entitled Joint Functional Component Command Space and Global Strike, or JFCCSGS was created.

JFCCSGS has the mandate to oversee the launching of a nuclear attack in accordance with the 2002 Nuclear Posture Review, approved by the US Congress in 2002. The NPR underscores the pre-emptive use of nuclear warheads not only against "rogue states" but also against China and Russia."Michel Chossudovsky, Nuclear War against Iran, Global Research, January 2006)

More recently, a December 2007 NATO sponsored report entitled “Towards a Grand Strategy for an Uncertain World: Renewing Transatlantic Partnership". calls for a first strike pre-emptive use of nuclear weapons. The NATO doctrine in this report is a virtual copy and paste version of America's post 9/11 nuclear weapons doctrine as initially outlined in the 2002 Nuclear Posture Review (NPR).

(for details, see Michel Chossudovsky, The US-NATO Preemptive Nuclear Doctrine: Trigger a Middle East Nuclear Holocaust to Defend "The Western Way of Life", Global Research, January 2008)

The preemptive use of nukes as formulated in the NATO Transatlantic Partnership document would be used to undermine an "increasingly brutal World" (e.g. Iran) as well as a means to prevent "rogue enemies" to use "weapons of mass destruction".

Under this NATO framework, which is explicitly envisaged in relation to Iran, US and allied forces including Israel would "resort to a pre-emptive nuclear attack to try to halt the imminent spread of nuclear weapons, " (quoted in Paul Dibb, Sidney Morning Herald, 11 February 2008).
"They [the authors of the report] consider that nuclear war might soon become possible in an increasingly brutal world. They propose the first use of nuclear weapons must remain "in the quiver of escalation as the ultimate instrument to prevent the use of weapons of mass destruction". (Paul Dibb, op cit)

In terms of the ongoing threats directed against Iran, a pre-emptive nuclear attack using tactical nuclear weapons, which are according to the Pentagon is "harmless to the surrounding civilian population" could be carried out in relation to Iran, even if if Iran does not possess nuclear weapons capabilities, as confirmed by the 2007 National Intelligence Estimate (NIE).

According to a 2003 Senate decision, the new generation of tactical nuclear weapons or "low yield" "mini-nukes", with an explosive capacity of up to 6 times a Hiroshima bomb, are now considered "safe for civilians" because the explosion is underground.

Through a propaganda campaign which has enlisted the support of "authoritative" nuclear scientists, the mini-nukes are being presented as an instrument of peace rather than war. The low-yield nukes have now been cleared for "battlefield use", they are slated to be used in the next stage of the Middle East war (Iran) alongside conventional weapons:

"Administration officials argue that low-yield nuclear weapons are needed as a credible deterrent against rogue states.[Iran, North Korea] Their logic is that existing nuclear weapons are too destructive to be used except in a full-scale nuclear war. Potential enemies realize this, thus they do not consider the threat of nuclear retaliation to be credible. However, low-yield nuclear weapons are less destructive, thus might conceivably be used. That would make them more effective as a deterrent."(Opponents Surprised By Elimination of Nuke Research Funds Defense News November 29, 2004)

In an utterly twisted logic, nuclear weapons are presented as a means to building peace and preventing "collateral damage".

The NATO sponsored report --which broadly reflects a growing consensus-- insists that the option of a nuclear first strike is indispensable, "since there is simply no realistic prospect of a nuclear-free world." (Report, p. 97):

"Nuclear weapons are the ultimate instrument of an asymmetric response – and at the same time the ultimate tool of escalation"

The US-NATO doctrine to use nukes on a pre-emptive basis against Iran, with a view to "saving the Western World's way of life", is not challenged in any meaningful way by the antiwar movement.

The mainstream media has a strong grip on the public's perception and understanding of the Middle East war. The dangers of nuclear war in the Post cold War era are barely mentioned and when they are, the use of nuclear weapons are justified as a preemptive military option to ensure the security of Western World.

The truth is twisted and turned upside down.

Media disinformation instills within the consciousness of Americans and Europeans that somehow the war on Iran is a necessity, that Iran is a threat to the Homeland and that the Islamic Republic is supporting Islamic terrorists, who are planning a Second 9/11. And that a pre-emptive nuclear attack is the answer.

In contrast, the powerful economic interests behind the war economy, the Anglo-American oil giants military, the defense contractors, Wall Street are rarely the object of media coverage. The real economic and strategic objectives behind this war are carefully obfuscated.

9/11 is used profusely both by the Bush administration and the media as a justification for waging war, despite the fact that there is mounting evidence of cover-up and complicity of key members of the Bush Administration.

Despite the evidence, Afghanistan, Iraq and now Iran have been portrayed as the "State sponsors of terrorism" and a threat to the Homeland, thereby justifying the various stages of the Middle East military roadmap. The Project for a New American Century, had already described in a 2000 document the nature of this road map or "long war". What is envisaged is a global war without borders:

fight and decisively win multiple, simultaneous major theater wars (PNAC, September 2000)

At present US and coalition forces including NATO and Israel are in an advanced state of readiness to launch an attack on Iran. Leaders of the US led coalition including France, Germany and Italy, should understand that such an action could result in a World War III scenario.

Escalation scenarios have already been envisaged and analyzed by the Pentagon.US sponsored war games have foreseen the possible intervention of Russia and China in the Middle East. World War III has been on the lips of NeoCon architects of US foreign policy from the outset of the Bush regime.

In response to "Operation Brimstone" and the Naval deployment, Iran's Foreign Ministry said that "Tehran will give a 'maximum response' to the slightest threat against the country's national security."

War propaganda, through media disinformation consists in galvanizing US citizens not only in favor of "the war on terrorism", but in support of a social order which repeals the Rule of Law, derogates fundamental civil liberties, upholds the use of torture and establishes a modern police state apparatus as a means to "preserving Western democracy".

There is a tacit public acceptance of a diabolical and criminal military agenda, which in a very sense threatens "the community of nations" and life on this planet.

In the course of the last four years, Global Research has documented in detail the various war plans directed against Iran. Operation TIRANNT (Theater Iran Near Term) was initially formulated in July 2003, in the wake of the US led Iraq invasion.

We have done our utmost to reverse the tide of media disinformation, to inform our readers and the broader public on the impending dangers underlying the US military adventure.

This is the most serious crisis in modern history which in a very real sense threatens the future of humanity.

We refer our readers to an extensive archive of articles and documents. See our War on Iran Dossier

Michel Chossudovsky is the author of the international bestseller America’s "War on Terrorism" Global Research, 2005.

The CRG grants permission to cross-post original Global Research articles on community internet sites as long as the text & title are not modified. The source and the author's copyright must be displayed. For publication of Global Research articles in print or other forms including commercial internet sites,

quarta-feira, 13 de agosto de 2008

The Russo-Georgian War and the Balance of Power

The Russo-Georgian War and the Balance of Power

August 12, 2008


Graphic for Geopolitical Intelligence Report

By George Friedman

The Russian invasion of Georgia has not changed the balance of power in Eurasia. It simply announced that the balance of power had already shifted. The United States has been absorbed in its wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, as well as potential conflict with Iran and a destabilizing situation in Pakistan. It has no strategic ground forces in reserve and is in no position to intervene on the Russian periphery. This, as we have argued, has opened a window of opportunity for the Russians to reassert their influence in the former Soviet sphere. Moscow did not have to concern itself with the potential response of the United States or Europe; hence, the invasion did not shift the balance of power. The balance of power had already shifted, and it was up to the Russians when to make this public. They did that Aug. 8.

Let’s begin simply by reviewing the last few days.

On the night of Thursday, Aug. 7, forces of the Republic of Georgia drove across the border of South Ossetia, a secessionist region of Georgia that has functioned as an independent entity since the fall of the Soviet Union. The forces drove on to the capital, Tskhinvali, which is close to the border. Georgian forces got bogged down while trying to take the city. In spite of heavy fighting, they never fully secured the city, nor the rest of South Ossetia.

On the morning of Aug. 8, Russian forces entered South Ossetia, using armored and motorized infantry forces along with air power. South Ossetia was informally aligned with Russia, and Russia acted to prevent the region’s absorption by Georgia. Given the speed with which the Russians responded — within hours of the Georgian attack — the Russians were expecting the Georgian attack and were themselves at their jumping-off points. The counterattack was carefully planned and competently executed, and over the next 48 hours, the Russians succeeded in defeating the main Georgian force and forcing a retreat. By Sunday, Aug. 10, the Russians had consolidated their position in South Ossetia.


On Monday, the Russians extended their offensive into Georgia proper, attacking on two axes. One was south from South Ossetia to the Georgian city of Gori. The other drive was from Abkhazia, another secessionist region of Georgia aligned with the Russians. This drive was designed to cut the road between the Georgian capital of Tbilisi and its ports. By this point, the Russians had bombed the military airfields at Marneuli and Vaziani and appeared to have disabled radars at the international airport in Tbilisi. These moves brought Russian forces to within 40 miles of the Georgian capital, while making outside reinforcement and resupply of Georgian forces extremely difficult should anyone wish to undertake it.

The Mystery Behind the Georgian Invasion

In this simple chronicle, there is something quite mysterious: Why did the Georgians choose to invade South Ossetia on Thursday night? There had been a great deal of shelling by the South Ossetians of Georgian villages for the previous three nights, but while possibly more intense than usual, artillery exchanges were routine. The Georgians might not have fought well, but they committed fairly substantial forces that must have taken at the very least several days to deploy and supply. Georgia’s move was deliberate.

The United States is Georgia’s closest ally. It maintained about 130 military advisers in Georgia, along with civilian advisers, contractors involved in all aspects of the Georgian government and people doing business in Georgia. It is inconceivable that the Americans were unaware of Georgia’s mobilization and intentions. It is also inconceivable that the Americans were unaware that the Russians had deployed substantial forces on the South Ossetian frontier. U.S. technical intelligence, from satellite imagery and signals intelligence to unmanned aerial vehicles, could not miss the fact that thousands of Russian troops were moving to forward positions. The Russians clearly knew the Georgians were ready to move. How could the United States not be aware of the Russians? Indeed, given the posture of Russian troops, how could intelligence analysts have missed the possibility that t he Russians had laid a trap, hoping for a Georgian invasion to justify its own counterattack?

It is very difficult to imagine that the Georgians launched their attack against U.S. wishes. The Georgians rely on the United States, and they were in no position to defy it. This leaves two possibilities. The first is a massive breakdown in intelligence, in which the United States either was unaware of the existence of Russian forces, or knew of the Russian forces but — along with the Georgians — miscalculated Russia’s intentions. The United States, along with other countries, has viewed Russia through the prism of the 1990s, when the Russian military was in shambles and the Russian government was paralyzed. The United States has not seen Russia make a decisive military move beyond its borders since the Afghan war of the 1970s-1980s. The Russians had systematically avoided such moves for years. The United States had assumed that the Russians would not risk the consequences of an invasion.

If this was the case, then it points to the central reality of this situation: The Russians had changed dramatically, along with the balance of power in the region. They welcomed the opportunity to drive home the new reality, which was that they could invade Georgia and the United States and Europe could not respond. As for risk, they did not view the invasion as risky. Militarily, there was no counter. Economically, Russia is an energy exporter doing quite well — indeed, the Europeans need Russian energy even more than the Russians need to sell it to them. Politically, as we shall see, the Americans needed the Russians more than the Russians needed the Americans. Moscow’s calculus was that this was the moment to strike. The Russians had been building up to it for months, as we have discussed, and they struck.

The Western Encirclement of Russia

To understand Russian thinking, we need to look at two events. The first is the Orange Revolution in Ukraine. From the U.S. and European point of view, the Orange Revolution represented a triumph of democracy and Western influence. From the Russian point of view, as Moscow made clear, the Orange Revolution was a CIA-funded intrusion into the internal affairs of Ukraine, designed to draw Ukraine into NATO and add to the encirclement of Russia. U.S. Presidents George H.W. Bush and Bill Clinton had promised the Russians that NATO would not expand into the former Soviet Union empire.

That promise had already been broken in 1998 by NATO’s expansion to Poland, Hungary and the Czech Republic — and again in the 2004 expansion, which absorbed not only the rest of the former Soviet satellites in what is now Central Europe, but also the three Baltic states, which had been components of the Soviet Union.

The Russian Periphery

The Russians had tolerated all that, but the discussion of including Ukraine in NATO represented a fundamental threat to Russia’s national security. It would have rendered Russia indefensible and threatened to destabilize the Russian Federation itself. When the United States went so far as to suggest that Georgia be included as well, bringing NATO deeper into the Caucasus, the Russian conclusion — publicly stated — was that the United States in particular intended to encircle and break Russia.

The second and lesser event was the decision by Europe and the United States to back Kosovo’s separation from Serbia. The Russians were friendly with Serbia, but the deeper issue for Russia was this: The principle of Europe since World War II was that, to prevent conflict, national borders would not be changed. If that principle were violated in Kosovo, other border shifts — including demands by various regions for independence from Russia — might follow. The Russians publicly and privately asked that Kosovo not be given formal independence, but instead continue its informal autonomy, which was the same thing in practical terms. Russia’s requests were ignored.

From the Ukrainian experience, the Russians became convinced that the United States was engaged in a plan of strategic encirclement and strangulation of Russia. From the Kosovo experience, they concluded that the United States and Europe were not prepared to consider Russian wishes even in fairly minor affairs. That was the breaking point. If Russian desires could not be accommodated even in a minor matter like this, then clearly Russia and the West were in conflict. For the Russians, as we said, the question was how to respond. Having declined to respond in Kosovo, the Russians decided to respond where they had all the cards: in South Ossetia.

Moscow had two motives, the lesser of which was as a tit-for-tat over Kosovo. If Kosovo could be declared independent under Western sponsorship, then South Ossetia and Abkhazia, the two breakaway regions of Georgia, could be declared independent under Russian sponsorship. Any objections from the United States and Europe would simply confirm their hypocrisy. This was important for internal Russian political reasons, but the second motive was far more important.

Russian Prime Minister Vladimir Putin once said that the fall of the Soviet Union was a geopolitical disaster. This didn’t mean that he wanted to retain the Soviet state; rather, it meant that the disintegration of the Soviet Union had created a situation in which Russian national security was threatened by Western interests. As an example, consider that during the Cold War, St. Petersburg was about 1,200 miles away from a NATO country. Today it is about 60 miles away from Estonia, a NATO member. The disintegration of the Soviet Union had left Russia surrounded by a group of countries hostile to Russian interests in various degrees and heavily influenced by the United States, Europe and, in some cases, China.

Resurrecting the Russian Sphere

Putin did not want to re-establish the Soviet Union, but he did want to re-establish the Russian sphere of influence in the former Soviet Union region. To accomplish that, he had to do two things. First, he had to re-establish the credibility of the Russian army as a fighting force, at least in the context of its region. Second, he had to establish that Western guarantees, including NATO membership, meant nothing in the face of Russian power. He did not want to confront NATO directly, but he did want to confront and defeat a power that was closely aligned with the United States, had U.S. support, aid and advisers and was widely seen as being under American protection. Georgia was the perfect choice.

By invading Georgia as Russia did (competently if not brilliantly), Putin re-established the credibility of the Russian army. But far more importantly, by doing this Putin revealed an open secret: While the United States is tied down in the Middle East, American guarantees have no value. This lesson is not for American consumption. It is something that, from the Russian point of view, the Ukrainians, the Balts and the Central Asians need to digest. Indeed, it is a lesson Putin wants to transmit to Poland and the Czech Republic as well. The United States wants to place ballistic missile defense installations in those countries, and the Russians want them to understand that allowing this to happen increases their risk, not their security.

The Russians knew the United States would denounce their attack. This actually plays into Russian hands. The more vocal senior leaders are, the greater the contrast with their inaction, and the Russians wanted to drive home the idea that American guarantees are empty talk.

The Russians also know something else that is of vital importance: For the United States, the Middle East is far more important than the Caucasus, and Iran is particularly important. The United States wants the Russians to participate in sanctions against Iran. Even more importantly, they do not want the Russians to sell weapons to Iran, particularly the highly effective S-300 air defense system. Georgia is a marginal issue to the United States; Iran is a central issue. The Russians are in a position to pose serious problems for the United States not only in Iran, but also with weapons sales to other countries, like Syria.

Therefore, the United States has a problem — it either must reorient its strategy away from the Middle East and toward the Caucasus, or it has to seriously limit its response to Georgia to avoid a Russian counter in Iran. Even if the United States had an appetite for another war in Georgia at this time, it would have to calculate the Russian response in Iran — and possibly in Afghanistan (even though Moscow’s interests there are currently aligned with those of Washington).

In other words, the Russians have backed the Americans into a corner. The Europeans, who for the most part lack expeditionary militaries and are dependent upon Russian energy exports, have even fewer options. If nothing else happens, the Russians will have demonstrated that they have resumed their role as a regional power. Russia is not a global power by any means, but a significant regional power with lots of nuclear weapons and an economy that isn’t all too shabby at the moment. It has also compelled every state on the Russian periphery to re-evaluate its position relative to Moscow. As for Georgia, the Russians appear ready to demand the resignation of President Mikhail Saakashvili. Militarily, that is their option. That is all they wanted to demonstrate, and they have demonstrated it.

The war in Georgia, therefore, is Russia’s public return to great power status. This is not something that just happened — it has been unfolding ever since Putin took power, and with growing intensity in the past five years. Part of it has to do with the increase of Russian power, but a great deal of it has to do with the fact that the Middle Eastern wars have left the United States off-balance and short on resources. As we have written, this conflict created a window of opportunity. The Russian goal is to use that window to assert a new reality throughout the region while the Americans are tied down elsewhere and dependent on the Russians. The war was far from a surprise; it has been building for months. But the geopolitical foundations of the war have been building since 1992. Russia has been an empire for centuries. The last 15 years or so were not the new reality, but simply an aberration that would be rectified. And now it is being rectified.

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terça-feira, 12 de agosto de 2008

Marinha participa da Operação "VENBRAS-2008"


Marinha participa da Operação "VENBRAS-2008"

A Marinha do Brasil e a Armada da República Bolivariana da Venezuela conduziram, no período de 27 de julho a 5 de agosto, na área marítima da Venezuela, mais uma edição da Operação "VENBRAS".

O Grupo-Tarefa brasileiro que participou da operação foi comandado pelo Comandante da 2ª Divisão da Esquadra e era composto pela Fragata "Liberal" (F43), por um Destacamento de Mergulhadores de Combate e uma aeronave AH-11A Super Lynx.

No dia 30 de julho, os navios suspenderam do Porto de Guanta para a fase de mar, onde foram realizados diversos exercícios operativos, tais como ações de defesa antiaérea, ações de superfície, ataques coordenados, guerra eletrônica, apoio de fogo naval, transferência de carga leve no mar, manobras táticas e operações aéreas. A F43 teve atuação destacada nos exercícios e manobras da operação.

No dia 2 de agosto, as Fragatas "Liberal" e "Almirante Brión", da Armada da República Bolivariana da Venezuela, fundearam na Baía de Pampatar, na Isla Margarita, onde, até o dia 4 de agosto, realizaram atividades protocolares, que foram iniciadas com a visita do Comandante da 2ª Divisão da Esquadra ao Comando da Zona Naval do Oriente, com entrevista coletiva para os veículos de comunicação locais.

No dia 5 de agosto, depois de encerradas as atividades referentes à Comissão "VENBRAS-2008", a Fragata brasileira suspendeu com destino ao Porto de Colón, no Panamá, para dar início à Comissão "PANAMAX-2008".


Naval Dominance and the Importance of Oceans

  1. Naval Dominance and the Importance of Oceans

    August 5, 2008

    The container ship LT Cortesia at sea




    The geographic position of the United States, situated comfortably between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans, is a critical dynamic in its fundamental security, and U.S. naval dominance in the world’s oceans is a key dynamic of the international system.


    Our statement that control of the world’s oceans is a cornerstone of U.S. geopolitical security and keeps any potential adversary half a world away sparked extensive comment. This is a long-standing Stratfor position, not a casual assertion, and is crucial to the way we see the world.
    In his 1890 classic “The Influence of Sea Power Upon History,” U.S. Naval officer Alfred Thayer Mahan examines the decisive role superior sea power played in geopolitical competition and conflict from 1660 to 1783. His work has made him perhaps the foremost theorist of naval power in the United States. At the risk of oversimplification, Mahan’s thesis is that control of the sea can be decisive in both peacetime and wartime, and has far-reaching military, economic and geopolitical ramifications. Mahan is required reading at Stratfor.
    The world has changed quite a bit since the time of Mahan, who wrote as sail was giving way to steam as the principal method of naval propulsion. Indeed, a common question from our readers has been about the applicability of the oceans to U.S. security in the 21st century, particularly in the context of globalization. In essence, readers have asked us whether oceans still matter after globalization has so reduced transit times and increased interconnectivity that transnational terrorism and cyberspace have come into existence.
    While aviation, the intercontinental ballistic missile, satellites and the Internet have all fundamentally altered the way the world interacts and how wars are fought, Mahan’s analysis holds true.


    The United States



    Over the course of a century, but particularly during and after World War II, the United States honed and perfected expeditionary naval operations. Washington’s ability to function on the other side of the planet from home port is unparalleled and has surpassed the sea power of the British Empire that Mahan so admired.
    The importance of this cannot be overstated, and has broad applicability. Globalization has massively increased, not decreased seaborne commerce. As the dominant global naval power, Washington exercises a decisive influence over the principal avenue of both international trade and the flow of the world’s oil (and, increasingly, natural gas). In addition to wielding this as a lever over other countries, the U.S. Navy is the guarantor of America’s global supply lines. That Washington has claim to both the world’s foremost navy and the world’s foremost economy is no coincidence, and it is a key dynamic of the entire international system.
    From a military perspective, the last shooting war in the Western Hemisphere of any strategic significance for the United States was the Spanish-American War. That conflict resulted in the expulsion at the end of the 19th century of the last Eastern Hemispheric power from Washington’s periphery. For more than a century now, the United States has fought its wars abroad, with the only strategic threat to the homeland being Soviet (and to a much lesser extent, Chinese) nuclear weapons.
    Indeed, the fundamental value of naval dominance was demonstrated in 1962. During the Cuban Missile Crisis, Washington was able to prevent the re-emergence of an outside power’s beachhead in Cuba because U.S. naval dominance made the situation untenable for the Kremlin. The Russian navy was not in a position to sustain forces there in the face of concerted U.S. naval opposition.
    And while the notion of “invasion” in the 21st century may seem anachronistic in the U.S. perspective, the rest of the world sees things very differently. That apparent anachronism is symptomatic of fundamental U.S. geopolitical security. Across the oceans, even much of Europe still looks east over the open Northern European plain and remembers columns of Soviet armor.
    Nations the world over continue to struggle day in and day out with their neighbors. Pakistan, India and China continue to squabble over Kashmir, which they each consider core to their geographic security. Russia’s foremost geopolitical struggle is the re-establishment of some semblance of a peripheral buffer in Europe and the Caucasus — necessary buffers, but a poor compensation for unfavorable geography.
    These issues — crucial geopolitical objectives — keep Eurasia divided and restrict (but obviously do not eliminate) other countries’ bandwidth to deal with global issues farther afield. The ultimate consequence of this division is the prevention of the emergence of a potential challenger to the United States. By this, we mean the emergence of a country so secure in its geopolitical position that the mustering of resources necessary to project military force across the Atlantic or Pacific to meaningfully challenge the strategic security of the North American continent becomes a possibility.
    More simply, U.S. naval dominance allows Washington to keep the costs of projecting hostile military force across the world’s oceans prohibitively high. The countries of the world are thus largely left confronting geopolitical challenges in their own backyards, unable to militarily challenge the United States in its backyard. All the while, the U.S. Navy conducts operations daily in Eurasia’s backyard. This is a secure and enviable geopolitical position.
    This is not to say that threats to the United States do not exist. But while hijacked airliners, rogue ballistic missiles, smuggling in shipping containers and cybercrime are all legitimate security threats that must be defended against, they are generally not strategic security threats.

  2. That the United States has the bandwidth to confront them is emblematic of the fundamental strategic security — not insecurity — of the American position, insulated as it is by the waters of the Atlantic and Pacific.

segunda-feira, 11 de agosto de 2008

Navy Prepares Remote Minehunting System as Future Asset


Navy Prepares Remote Minehunting System as Future Asset

(Source: US Navy; issued Aug. 6, 2008)


The mine warfare countermeasure ship USS Devastator conducts sea trials with advanced minesweeping gear off the coast of Texas. (US Navy photo)
PANAMA CITY, Fla. --- The Navy completed technical evaluation and training of the Remote Minehunting System (RMS) aboard USS Bainbridge (DDG-96) in Panama City on July 28. The evaluation enables the Navy to continue training on the system, designed as part of the mine warfare mission package for the littoral combat ship.

"This is all in preparation for the operational evaluation (OPEVAL) to be conducted in the South Florida Test Facility this September," said Naval Surface Warfare Center Panama City RMS Project Engineer Keith Hartless.

Senior Chief Mineman Paul King of the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) Mine Countermeasure (MCM) Detachment 1 praised RMS as cutting-edge technology during his pierside preparations.

"This is the future in the making," said King. "I've been working in mine warfare for at least 15 years and this is some of the most advanced equipment I've seen."

Since mines are a significant threat to today's battlegroups, destroyers have traditionally been first to enter coastal regions ahead of their battlegroups. According to Hartless, the RMS will provide a reconnaissance capability that far surpasses traditional methods of mine hunting and will exponentially increase the safety factor for ship and crew.

"In the past, we did our reconnaissance leading with our nose, so to speak, and when our first ship encountered a mine that became the 'heads-up' to call in our dedicated MCM ships and MH-53E minehunting helicopter squadrons," said Hartless.

Hartless explained the RMS is a system of systems that provides a remote and semi-autonomous capability to enter anticipated operational areas and perform reconnaissance for mine threats prior to any manned ship entering the area.

"The RMS is actually comprised of five subsystems: there is the Remote Minehunting Vehicle (RMV); the AN/AQS-20A (Q-20) towed sensor for minehunting detection and identification; the launch and recovery system; the data link system – half of which is on the RMV, the other half positioned aboard ship; and the software, called the Remote Minehunting Functional Segment (RMFS), which resides within the combat system aboard ship," said Hartless..

While pierside at NSWC PCD, King described how these systems worked together to hunt, detect and locate mines.

"Inside the RMV, there is a cable that can lower the Q-20 towed sonar body; or, the Q-20 can function while hull-mounted to the RMV. The Q-20 is usually streamed out to hunt using its sensors, it then transmits its signals back to us, we see the images in real time on consoles aboard ship, and then we also record the data so we can then perform post mission analysis," said King.

According to Hartless, once the RMS proves itself during the OPEVAL it will become a featured component as part of the mine warfare (MIW) mission package and the anti-submarine warfare (ASW) package aboard one of the Navy's newest platforms –- the LCS.

"The MIW mission package will be comprised of two RMSs –each able to operate in tandem and effectively doubling the search area and rate," Hartless said, adding that the ASW mission package will also receive two very similar remote vehicles.

"The ASW mission module also receives two RMVs except we're changing the nomenclature to Remote Multi-Mission Vehicles (RMMV) because it will be carrying ASW sensors," Hartless said. "The idea is we will have a common RMMV where we will literally be able to swap out sensors – whether for mine warfare or anti-submarine warfare, whichever is needed."

sexta-feira, 8 de agosto de 2008

TWO ADDITIONAL U.S. AIRCRAFT CARRIERS HEADED TO MIDEAST

TWO ADDITIONAL U.S. AIRCRAFT CARRIERS HEADED TO MIDEAST

7 August 2008

aircraft-carrier-2.jpg

Two additional United States naval aircraft carriers are heading to the Gulf and the Red Sea, according to the Kuwaiti newspaper Kuwait Times.

Kuwait began finalizing its “emergency war plan” on being told the vessels were bound for the region.

The US Navy would neither confirm nor deny that carriers were en route. US Fifth Fleet Combined Maritime Command located in Bahrain said it could not comment due to what a spokesman termed “force-protection policy.”

While the Kuwaiti daily did not name the ships it believed were heading for the Middle East, The Media Line’s defense analyst said they could be the USS Theodore Roosevelt and the USS Ronald Reagan.

Within the last month, the Roosevelt completed an exercise along the US east coast focusing on communication among navies of different countries. It has since been declared ready for operational duties. The Reagan, currently with the Seventh Fleet, had just set sail from Japan.

The Seventh Fleet area of operation stretches from the East Coast of Africa to the International Date Line.

Meanwhile, the Arabic news agency Moheet reported at the end of July that an unnamed American destroyer, accompanied by two Israeli naval vessels traveled through the Suez Canal from the Mediterranean. A week earlier, a US nuclear submarine accompanied by a destroyer and a supply ship moved into the Mediterranean, according to Moheet.

Currently there are two US naval battle groups operating in the Gulf: one is an aircraft carrier group, led by the USS Abraham Lincoln, which carries some 65 fighter aircraft. The other group is headed by the USS Peleliu which maintains a variety of planes and strike helicopters.

The ship movements coincide with the latest downturn in relations between Washington and Teheran. The US and Iran are at odds over Iran’s nuclear program, which the Bush administration claims is aimed at producing material for nuclear weapons; however, Teheran argues it is only for power generation.

Kuwait, like other Arab countries in the Gulf, fears it will be caught in the middle should the US decide to launch an air strike against Iran if negotiations fail. The Kuwaitis are finalizing details of their security, humanitarian and vital services, the newspaper reported.

The six members of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) - Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Qatar, the UAE and Oman - lie just across the Gulf from Iran. Generals in the Iranian military have repeatedly warned that American interests in the region would be targeted if Iran is subjected to any military strike by the US or its Western allies.

Bahrain hosts the US Fifth Fleet, while there is a sizeable American base in Qatar. It is assumed the US also has military personnel in the other Gulf states, The Media Line’s defense analyst said.

Iran is thought to have intelligence operatives working in the GCC states, according to Dubai-based military analysts.

The standoff between the US and Iran has left the Arab nations’ political leaders in something of a bind, as they were being used as pawns by Washington and Teheran, according to The Media Line analyst.

Iran has offered them economic and industrial sweeteners, while the US is boosting their defense capabilities. US President George W. Bush and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad have paid visits to the GCC states in a bid to win their support.

:ARTICULO DE OPINION.- Estados Unidos pone en funciones nuevamente la IV Flota

ARTICULO DE OPINION.- Estados Unidos pone en funciones nuevamente la IV Flota news image
WWW.SCAVARELLI.COM.-URUGUAY.- OPINIONES DE VANGUARDIA.-

Por el Coronel Orosmán PEREYRA PRIETO.-


Sobre el fin del Siglo XX, la implosión de la URSS marcó el fin de la Guerra Fría y el comienzo de la uní polaridad en el mundo. El Siglo XXI se inicia con los sucesos del 11-S, que llevaron a EEUUAA a desarrollar a nivel global, combatir al terrorismo, con el resultado de la nefasta y absurda guerra en Irak y la inadmisible aplicación de la modalidad violatoria del derecho internacional, de guerra preventiva, como nueva estrategia. América Latina, en este contexto, pasó a ser un débil telón de fondo en el escenario geoestratégico norteamericano, que llevó adelante una política de relacionamiento ambiguo y perfilada exclusivamente en el combate al narcotráfico.
Estados Unidos ubicado geográficamente entre los dos grandes océanos mundiales, Atlántico y Pacífico, ha basado su política exterior imperial, en el pensamiento geopolítico del almirante estadounidense Alfred Thayer Mahan, “Quien domina el mar domina el mundo”, derivada ésta, de una teoría desarrollada por el canciller ingles suplente, de Jacobo II, John Evelyn.




Es así, que la armada norteamericana tiene presencia global y desarrolla tareas táctico estratégicas, en apoyo a sus fuerzas de tierra desplegadas en distintas regiones del globo, por lo tanto tiene presencia en todos los océanos y mares del mundo. Actualmente, tiene en funciones siete Flotas para cumplir estos objetivos geoestratégicos:
I Flota guardia costera en tiempos de guerra.
II Flota cubre el Atlántico norte custodia la costa Este de Estados Unidos e integra la OTAN en defensa de Europa.
III Flota vigila la costa Oeste de Estados Unidos, del Pacífico.
V Flota cumple tareas en los escenarios bélicos del Oriente Cercano.
VI Flota cumple idénticas tareas que la anterior.
VII Flota cumple funciones en el Océano Índico con base en Japón.
IV Flota sus funciones serán patrullar los mares, costas atlánticas y caribeñas de América Latina y el Caribe, después de su reactivación en el mes de julio del presente año.

En el territorio sudamericano, el Comando Sur (USSOUTHCOM) tiene desplegadas bases en El Salvador, Aruba, Curazao, Guantánamo, Manta (esta última ubicada en Ecuador, se venció el convenio de asentamiento y no es renovado por lo que se trasladaría a puerto Salgar (Barranquillas Colombia). Algunas de las características de esta nueva base militar en Colombia son: capacidad para 2000 hombres, posee dos hangares para 50 o 60 aviones cada uno, facilidades para el despegue de tres aviones en forma simultánea, radares y sistemas de alta tecnología. Además también en Colombia, Estados Unidos, posee tres bases militares más, ubicadas en Tres Esquinas, Florencia y Hacienda Larandia las dos primeras ubicadas en el Departamento de Caquetá, la última en el Departamento de Meta parte central de Colombia, en la ciudad de Villavicencio con unidades de aviación que combaten a las guerrillas de las FARC-EP y, también, la llamada "inteligencia técnica" del Pentágono.

Thomas Shannon del Departamento de Estado de EEUU, mano derecha de Condoleeza Rice y de G.W. Bush en su visita a Argentina comentó a las autoridades de este país, que la IV Flota de EEUU como componente naval del Comando Sur (USSOUTHCOM) “No es una flota ofensiva, va a respetar los mares territoriales y no entrará en los ríos recorrerá las aguas de la región para fortalecer los vínculos militares con los países del Caribe, el Atlántico y Pacífico. Nuestro principal objetivo es alinear la Armada con nuestros mandos centrales, y organizarlos bajo el Comando Sur para construir lazos de colaboración”.
Pero estas expresiones se contradicen con lo manifestado por el comandante de la IV Flota, Joseph Kernan, cuando especifica que unidades especiales (SEAL) de la flota, tienen capacidad para la navegación y el control de las aguas interiores. De igual manera con lo informado por el comandante de la Marina del Comando Sur James Stevenson, que precisó que, sus naves llegarán hasta el intrincado sistema de ríos en Sudamérica, navegando en las aguas marrones más, que en las tradicionales aguas azules. A lo que se suma lo expresado por el Jefe de Operaciones Navales de la Armada de EEUU, almirante Gary Roughead, 'la meta de la IV Flota será asegurar la seguridad en este mundo globalizado, es decir estar lista en todo momento para todo desafío. Flota lista... alcance global'.

Es de hacer notar estas aparentes contradicciones, ponen en evidencia que la presencia nuevamente en el Atlántico Sur de una flota de los Estados Unidos, no tiene solamente finalidad presencial, de apoyo a las armadas sudamericanas, colaborar en desastres naturales o construir lazos de colaboración; sino que la finalidad es completar la ocupación geoestratégica de los espacios oceánicos frente a otras potencias mundiales, apoyar sus fuerzas en tierra y posicionarse de la mejor forma para el próximo reparto del continente antártico, sus reservorios de agua dulce, hidrocarburos y su apertura al gran capital internacional.
Afirmamos lo que antecede, basado en hechos ejecutados por distintos actores geoestratégicos como China, Inglaterra y Brasil entre otros de menor perfil geoestratégico, que han incursionado en el amplio escenario del Atlántico Sur, la Antártida y el Caribe.

CHINA
Geográficamente, África es la margen este del Océano Atlántico y China viene efectuando una acelerada penetración en el continente negro, que signan los siguientes hechos tercera Cumbre en Pekín sino-africana con la participación de 48 países africanos. Visita a África del presidente de la República China Hu Jintao. Visita del primer ministro Wen Jiabao y el ministro de asuntos exteriores en enero.
Estas acciones diplomáticas le dejaron a China gran cantidad de explotaciones de petróleo, ampliar su mercado externo y ventas de armamento. China es proveedor de armas del África subsahariana, y suscribe acuerdos de cooperación militar con Estados que cometen violaciones masivas de los derechos humanos como Sudán, Zimbabwe o Eritrea. Como importador de petróleo a China, África, ha suplantado a los países del Asia central y se coloca en segunda posición detrás de Oriente Medio.
La estrategia de China para penetrar África, se lleva a cabo por medio de la realización de obras, transferencia de tecnologías y productos manufacturados. Para la realización de obras, aporta personal especializado chino y mano de obra para trabajar igualmente china, en programas de ayuda.

Como contrapartida China obtiene recursos naturales africanos como ya vimos anteriormente como petróleo, madera y minerales estos últimos, en el orden de un 15%, según fuentes chinas.
Promover la solidaridad y la cooperación con África es una decisión estratégica a largo plazo para China y es un principio básico que guía la política de China hacia África.

Sobre la costa oeste del Océano Atlántico también se aprecia una considerable actividad de China sobre los países de América Central y Sur. En Panamá china es el tercer usuario del canal y la empresa Hutchison Whampoa, vinculada a Beijing, controla puertos a ambos extremos del Canal de Panamá. Así también, se presentó a la licitación internacional para ampliación de la referida vía de comunicación interoceánica y las exportaciones de China hacia Panamá superaron los 1,500 millones de dólares y China ha adquirido mercadería panameña por el orden de los 26 millones de dólares, todo lo cual indica un crecimiento en el intercambio comercial entre ambas naciones. Se registro un incremento de negocios de 80 empresas Chinas en la Zona Libre de Colón, como así también la posibilidad de invertir en la Zona Económica de Howard, en el sector Pacífico del Canal de Panamá.

BRASIL
Brasil descubrió reservas de petróleo en su plataforma oceánica, los relevamientos iniciales se ubican al norte de los campos de Jubarte y Cachalote, en la cuenca de Campos, en el litoral sur del Estado de Espíritu Santo, a profundidades de 1.500 metros que pueden colocar a Brasil en el mismo nivel que el de las llamadas “Siete Hermanas” de la industria del petróleo, pudiéndose situar entre las tres mayores del planeta. Estos descubrimientos llevaron al Comandante de la Marina brasileña -Julio Soares de Moura Neto- a manifestar “Eso demuestra la importancia de nuestra Amazonia Azul. Más de 700.000 kilómetros cuadrados ya fueron aprobados (por ONU) y vamos a continuar discutiendo si tenemos o no derecho a otros casi 250.000 kilómetros cuadrados, frente a los Estados de San Pablo, Paraná, Río Grande del Sur. Brasil debe entender que el mar es fundamental para su economía”.

ARGENTINA

Por su parte Argentina inició estudios con el fin de definir los límites de su plataforma continental exterior al norte de Malvinas, con idéntica finalidad que Brasil, presentar ante la Comisión de Límites de la Plataforma Continental de Naciones Unidas las reclamaciones que correspondan, antes de mayo de 2009, fecha en que vence el plazo.

INGLATERRA
Inglaterra a través de su Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores está recogiendo y procesando datos para reclamar ante Naciones Unidas ampliar los derechos de explotación de las reservas de petróleo, gas y minerales hasta 350 millas náuticas frente al territorio antártico británico. Es importante agregar que este reclamo, que el Gobierno de Londres presenta oficialmente a las Naciones Unidas, representa un claro desafío y una violación al Tratado Antártico de 1959 y a su espíritu, del cual Inglaterra es signatario, que establece que no se presentarían nuevos pedidos territoriales sobre la Antártida.

La Constante Geopolítica de EE.UU.AA. apoyada, sobre el pilar histórico del Destino Manifiesto del siglo IXX, que impulsó su marcha hacia el oeste desde sus inicios como nación, la intervención en México (1848 – 1849) que permitió conquistar California y gran parte de los territorios de la América del suroeste y su posicionamiento en la modernidad, como potencia naval sustentada por la teoría del Almirante Mahan (quien domina el mar domina el mundo), me permite suponer que el objetivo de poner en funciones nuevamente la IV Flota, es cubrir un vacío de poder en su componente militar en el Atlántico Sur, con la finalidad de mantener una superioridad táctico estratégica, en el descuidado cono sur, que le permita ejercer control sobre, el canal de Panamá, Atlántico Sur, pasaje de Magallanes, la Antártida y eventualmente hacia los recursos naturales, acuíferos y energéticos, en el interior de América del Sur y sus plataformas continentales y el continente Africano. El derrumbe de la URSS, como oponente de primer orden en la Guerra Fría, provocó en EE.UU.AA. una pérdida de referencia de antagonista, en el área sud americana, que fue sustituida progresivamente, por la visión como nuevo enemigo, el narcotráfico, narcoterrorismo y el terrorismo islámico. El surgimiento de nuevos actores (particularmente China y Brasil) en esta área (Atlántico Sur y Océano Antártico) que analizamos, y revaloración y descubrimiento de nuevos elementos estratégicos como recursos naturales (tierras cultivables, reservorios de agua dulce y de hidrocarburos, gas), motivó, creo reitero, esta reacción de EE.UU.AA.

Ahora toca a los otros jugadores de este juego en el tablero geoestratégico que es el Atlántico Sur y Océano Antártico, en marcados por los continentes de América del Sur, África y la Antártida, prestar atención, y mover sus fichas.
Brasil ya lo ha hecho, a través de su Ministro de Defensa Nelson Jobim, al manifestar: “No estamos preocupados con eso. Evidentemente los estadounidenses pueden hacer lo que mejor entiendan, pero que estén claros de que en las 200 millas náuticas brasileñas, la Cuarta Flota no participará”.
No percibo igual firmeza en la defensa de la soberanía en nuestro país, cuando el Ministro de Defensa Nacional, José Bayardi, al regreso de una visita a EE.UU.AA., en un reportaje del diario El País de fecha 28/08 pagina 10, ante la pregunta del periodista:
-¿Se habló de la Cuarta Flota de los Estados Unidos? Contesta
“-Nosotros habíamos hablado de ese tema con el almirante Stavridis cuando visitamos Miami. Y después estuvimos en Washington con el asistente diputado Thompson, más de dos horas, también analizando ese mismo asunto. Ambas conversaciones fueron coincidentes cuando se señaló que la Cuarta Flota no significa que se institucionalice con buques determinados, sino que es una oficina de coordinación de las plataformas navales que se desarrollan en el mar o que circulen o entren en funciones en el marco del Comando Sur.

Se destacó que no tendría a priori asignada plataformas; lo único que tiene es un buque sanitario, el "Confort", y señalaron que pretenden centrar sus objetivos en el tema de la cooperación ante desastres naturales.”
Esta ingenua respuesta del señor Ministro de Defensa Nacional de nuestro país, en contraposición a su par brasilero, pone en evidencia su total falta de concepto geopolítico, de quien es uno de los responsables de la dirección de las políticas de defensa nacional, en el Estado. Políticas que manejadas, junto a otros organismos del gobierno, dan marco para el sostenimiento de la soberanía de la Nación, ante presiones externas.
En las relaciones internacionales no hay amigos, existen intereses y en la defensa de éstos, el único responsable es el propio país, que debe llevarlos a cabo.

"Nada podemos esperar sino de nosotros mismos" General José G. Artigas Purificación el 5 de Febrero de 1816.

quinta-feira, 7 de agosto de 2008

Marinha participa de Operação militar na Amazônia



Marinha participa de Operação militar na Amazônia

A Marinha do Brasil iniciou no dia 5 de agosto sua participação efetiva na Operação Combinada “Poraquê”, realizada em conjunto pelas três Forças Armadas na Amazônia, sob a coordenação do Ministério da Defesa.

O Comandante do “Comando Combinado Amazônia”, General-de-Exército Augusto Heleno, Comandante Militar da Amazônia, foi a bordo do Navio-Patrulha Fluvial (NPaFlu) “Raposo Tavares” para presenciar a partida da “Força Combinada Solimões”, parcela de meios da Marinha do Brasil presentes na Operação e Comandada pelo Vice-Almirante Pedro Fava, Comandante do 9º Distrito Naval.

A “Poraqüê” é um exercício cuja principal finalidade é aperfeiçoar o treinamento em conjunto, para a atuação de forma coordenada e eficaz em conflitos convencionais no ambiente da Amazônia. A Operação se estenderá até o dia 15 de agosto e, além das ações operativas, também terá Ações Cívico-Sociais, contribuindo para a presença das Forças Armadas na área do exercício.

A Marinha do Brasil participa com os seguintes meios:

Subordinados ao Com9ºDN

  • NPaFlu “Raposo Tavares”, “Pedro Teixeira”, “Amapá” e “Roraima”;
  • Navios de Assitência Hospitalar (NAsH) Carlos Chagas” e “Oswaldo Cruz”;
  • 1 Destacamento do Batalhão de Operações Ribeirinhas, com aproximadamente 450 militares;
  • 1 Barca-Oficina “Alecrim”, 1 Dique-Flutuante “Jerônimo Gonçalves”, 1 Balsa do Depósito Naval de Manaus e
    1 Empurrador Regional (que constituem o Trem Logístico Móvel);
  • 1 Agência Flutuante;
  • 3 Lanchas;
  • 1 Flex Boat;
  • 4 Aeronaves UH-12, embarcadas nos NPaFlu “Pedro Teixeira”, Raposo Tavares e no NAsH “Carlos Chagas” e uma operando em terra; e
  • 4 embarcações regionais utilizadas para o transporte dos Fuzileiros Navais.

Subordinados a outros Comandos

  • Navios-Patrulha “Bocaina”, “Pampeiro” e “Parati” (subordinados ao Comando do 4º Distrito Naval);
  • 1 Pelotão de Fuzileiros Navais (Comando do 4º Distrito Naval);
  • 1 Elemento Anfíbio da Força de Fuzileiros da Esquadra (ComFFE); e
  • Destacamentos de Forças Especiais da Marinha (Grupamento de Mergulhadores de Combate e Batalhão de Operações Especiais de Fuzileiros Navais).

Mais informações podem ser disponibilizadas no site www.poraque.mil.br

quarta-feira, 6 de agosto de 2008

"Cisne Branco" participa de regatas internacionais de veleiros

"Cisne Branco" participa de regatas internacionais de veleiros na Inglaterra, Noruega e Holanda

O Navio-Veleiro "Cisne Branco" participou, no mês de julho, de duas tradicionais regatas internacionais de veleiros: Tall Ships Race 2008, entre os dias 18 e 21 de julho e Meet Your Navy 2008, entre os dias 24 e 27 de julho.

A primeira, sob coordenação da Sail Training International, é uma regata de veleiros clássicos composta por quatro etapas, percorrendo três países: Inglaterra, Noruega e Holanda. O seu início ocorreu em Liverpool, cidade escolhida, em 2008, como capital européia da cultura, com a presença quinze Tall Ships Classe A de oito nacionalidades distintas e mais 45 outros veleiros de menor porte.

Dentre os veleiros da América do Sul, destaca-se a presença do Navio-Veleiro Cisne Branco, da Marinha do Brasil, e do Navio Escola Capitán Miranda, da Marinha do Uruguai. O "Cisne Branco" ostentou o pavilhão nacional nas atividades marítimas e terrestres programadas pela organização do evento, como a parada militar das tripulações, recepções com autoridades locais e comandantes de navios, e no desfile naval.

Dentre as outras atividades, o navio foi visitado por aproximadamente 8.300 pessoas e contou com a apresentação a bordo do Grupo Batala (bateria de percussionistas com raízes no Olodum), apresentado a aproximadamente 15.000 pessoas.

A “Meet Your Navy 2008” ("Conheça Sua Marinha 2008"), diferente do evento em Liverpool, é o momento em que a Marinha britânica abre as portas da Base Naval de Portsmouth para mostrar ao povo britânico a importância do mar e de se ter uma Marinha moderna.

O evento ocorre anualmente na forma de rodízio entre as diversas Unidades Navais. Este ano, o encontro foi dividido entre passado, presente e futuro, com apresentações dos Red Arrows (Esquadrilha da Fumaça da Marinha), da Banda Marcial de Fuzileiros Navais, de aeronaves da segunda guerra mundial e exposição de projetos futuros, além dos mais de vinte navios abertos, interna e externamente, à visitação pública.

Foi neste contexto que o Navio-Veleiro brasileiro permaneceu durante quatro dias, recebendo visitantes e integrando as atividades da Marinha do passado, atracado próximo ao HMS Victory, navio de grande valor histórico para a Marinha Britânica, comandado por Lorde Nelson. Nessa ocasião, o Navio-Veleiro Cisne Branco recebeu o Embaixador do Brasil no Reino Unido e o Segundo Lorde do Almirantado da Marinha Real.

domingo, 3 de agosto de 2008

CCSM Fragata “Greenhalgh” destaca-se em operação com Marinhas Amigas

Fragata “Greenhalgh” destaca-se em operação com Marinhas Amigas

A Fragata “Greenhalgh” (F46) encontra-se ao largo da Costa Leste dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA), onde está incorporada ao Grupo-Tarefa do Porta-Helicópteros norte-americano USS “Iwo Jima”, participando de intenso programa de adestramentos, com duração de 24 dias contínuos de mar. Trata-se de uma comissão tão importante quanto inédita para um navio da Marinha do Brasil (MB). Participam, também, dessa operação, o pessoal e navios das Marinhas alemã, britânica e francesa.

Nos últimos anos, outros navios da MB, em especial submarinos, têm participado desse tipo de exercício integrado aos demais navios de marinhas amigas. Nesse caso, ressalta-se a vantagem da participação em conjunto, acarretando a aquisição de novos conhecimentos no estabelecimento de planos detalhados na instalação de equipamentos (para permitir comunicações confiáveis e seguras entre todos os participantes) e na padronização de procedimentos de ações táticas (para garantir a segurança e eficiência das diversas unidades).

Principais exercícios com participação da F46:

1) Operações de Controle de Área Marítima e de visita e inspeção a outras embarcações, no contexto de ameaças assimétricas. Esses adestramentos têm possibilitado aos militares brasileiros o aprimoramento de procedimentos e técnicas e, também, a oportunidade de demonstrar a nossa capacidade de atuar com eficiência nesse tipo de cenário;

2) Defesa de plataformas de petróleo: outro aspecto priorizado pelos exercícios, onde os ensinamentos colhidos pela fragata “Greenhalgh” terão particular utilidade, tendo em vista a importância estratégica de nossos campos petrolíferos na plataforma continental;

3) Fainas de reabastecimento com o navio-tanque USNS “Leroy Grumman”, todas efetuados com segurança e perfeita interoperabilidade. Ressalta-sea padronização de procedimentos entre ambas as marinhas e ao profissionalismo do pessoal envolvido;

4) Exercícios voltados para a guerra anti-submarino, defesa aérea e ações de superfície. Um dos destaques dessa fase foi o lançamento real de foguete de despistamento (“chaff”) pela F46 , como medida auxiliar à defesa anti-míssil do Navio.

O desempenho do navio brasileiro tem sido objeto de diversas referências elogiosas, por parte do Comandante do Grupo-Tarefa Expedicionário (Expeditionary Strike Group) embarcado no USS “Iwo Jima”.

A Fragata “Greenhalgh” deixou o Rio de Janeiro em 15 de maio deste ano. Ao longo do percurso, até o EUA, atracou nos portos nacionais de Fortaleza, no Ceará, e nos portos estrangeiros de San Juan, em Porto Rico, e Baltimore, nos EUA. Nesses portos, houve a abertura do Navio à visitação pública, favorecendo inigualável oportunidade de interação junto à população local. Tal procedimento é o que as marinhas tradicionalmente chamam de “mostrar bandeira”.

Próximos passos

A Fragata “Greenhalgh” só retornará a seu porto-sede no dia 28 de agosto, após decorridos três meses e meio de viagem, tendo permanecido em operações com o Grupo-Tarefa do USS “Iwo Jima” até o dia 31 de julho. Na próxima fase da comissão, o navio irá se juntar ao grupo do Navio-Aeródromo USS “Theodore Roosevelt”, combinando mais de duas dezenas de navios e uma centena de aeronaves no mesmo exercício. Serão novos desafios, nos quais, certamente, confirmarão o sucesso obtido até o presente momento e comprovará a capacidade da Marinha do Brasil em manter um meio de superfície operando por longos e contínuos períodos, afastado de sua base, além dos limites da Amazônia Azul.

A German shipbuilding giant paid President Thabo Mbeki R30m to guarantee it won the submarine contract in South Africa’

Mbeki took R30m and gave some to Zuma
Published:Aug 03, 2008


Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma Picture: REUTERS



HIGH AND DRY: The SAS Manthatisi at a dry dock in Simon’s Town. The submarine encountered problems as early at 2006, on its maiden voyage from the shipyard in Germany to South Africa

When questioned by investigators in South Africa, Mbeki claimed that R2-million was given to his former deputy president Jacob Zuma and the rest went to the ANC
Shocking extract from the secret report
Sensational claims, broken promises

A German shipbuilding giant paid President Thabo Mbeki R30m to guarantee it won the submarine contract in South Africa’s multibillion-rand arms deal. Mbeki gave R2m of this to Jacob Zuma and the rest to the ANC.

  • The Billion-Rand Dud

  • The Dud Submarine

  • AUDIO: Why we published details of the arms deal

  • The arms-deal truth must out, once and for all

    This staggering new allegation has surfaced for the first time in a secret report compiled in 2007 by a UK specialist risk consultancy.

    The consultancy was commissioned by a leading Central European manufacturer to investigate the worldwide activities and “questionable business practices” of the shipbuilder, MAN Ferrostaal, which had launched a hostile takeover bid against it.

    The suspected shady practices included bribery, corruption, money laundering and a failure to deliver on its investment commitments to the countries to which it sold weapons.

    Other than South Africa, the probe involved arms deals in Libya, Nigeria, Angola, the Democratic Republic of the Congo and Zimbabwe.

    The Sunday Times has also established that the report which makes the Mbeki-Zuma allegation is in the possession of the office of the director-general of the European Commission’s External Relations in Brussels, and the Munich state attorney in Germany.

    MAN Ferrostaal, which led the German Submarine Consortium (GSC), won the contract to sell three submarines to the SA Navy, for more than R6-billion.

    In return, it promised to build a R6-billion stainless steel mill at Coega in the Eastern Cape, which it promised would provide 1000 direct jobs and 3000 indirect jobs.

    The project, which promised billions of rands in export and local sales, has not happened.

    On page eight of the report under the South African section of the probe, it alleges:

    “A former South African official who had access to such information informed us in confidence that Ferrostaal paid R30-million to current President Thabo Mbeki to gain the arms contract in the first place.

    “When questioned by investigators in South Africa, Mbeki claimed that R2-million was given to his former deputy president Jacob Zuma and the rest went to the ANC.”

    The report says it was “unlikely that this information will be leaked in the near future because Mbeki maintains a tight (rein) on the National Prosecuting Authority where this matter would be dealt with”.

    Mbeki’s presidential spokes-man, Mukoni Ratshitanga, said: “These allegations have been in the public domain for some time, which gives lie to the assertion that they are, for whatever reason, ‘unlikely (to) ... be leaked in the near future’. They are of such fantastical proportions as not to warrant any response.”

    The Sunday Times pointed out to Ratshitanga that this was in fact a new allegation. He failed to respond.

    ANC spokesman Jesse Duarte said: “Any person anywhere in the world who has evidence of corruption should take it to the police. Anyone can write a document and claim it is authentic.”

    The report also states that South African intelligence services have proof that MAN Ferrostaal paid the bribe to Mbeki.

    MAN Ferrostaal dismissed the allegations as a “fishing expedition” intended to damage its reputation and that of the South African government.

    A number of arms dealers who were involved in bidding for the contracts told the Sunday Times that they knew Zuma acted as Mbeki’s front man during the arms deal negotiations.

    They said some of them were summoned to meet Zuma a number of times, and that at least once the four Shaik brothers, Chippy, Mo, Yunis and Schabir, were present.

    At these meetings the dealers were told that if they wanted to do business, it had to be through the Shaiks. Yesterday Yunis Shaik said this was “all just lies”.

    Others involved in the negotiations told the Sunday Times that bribes had been solicited from them.

    They said that during the deal many of the high-ranking politicians and officials involved were so greedy they even asked for money, jewellery and perfume for their wives and girlfriends.

    Tipp-Ex and Some Dodgy Deeds

    In another twist in the arms deal saga, the Sunday Times has come into possession of a draft report into the submarine contract, drawn up by the attorney-general in May 2001. This draft, which has never been made public, was diluted and sanitised before being included in the final report of the Joint Investigation Team, set up to probe the arms deal.

    It has emerged from the document that the process of evaluating bidders for the submarines was skewed and highly suspect. The draft says it is apparent that “deviations from the approval process occurred” and that “good procurement practices were lacking”, including:

  • The changing of the overall evaluation formula to favour the preferred bidder, eventually Ferrostaal/GSC;

  • That Tipp-Ex was used on the evaluation working papers, contrary to instructions. These corrections were not initialled by anyone. The attorney-general questioned what impact this would have had on the evaluation process. He said someone else could possibly have purposely altered an assessment ; and

  • There were questions raised about the high score given to Ferrostaal’s Coega stainless steel offset project. What the President Brushed Aside

    The Sunday Times has established that Mbeki, when presented with the August 1999 affordability study which assessed the economic and financial impact of the arms deal, chose to ignore it and two vital independent steel reports attached to it.

    These warned that Ferrostaal’s stainless steel offset project — the local investment pledge on which it won the submarine deal — was high risk and likely to fail. The studies were conducted by two of the world’s top steel experts, London’s Warburg Dillon Read and New York’s Locker Associates.

    The affordability study and its annexures, presented to Mbeki almost a year after he announced who would get the submarine contract , have never been released to the public.

    Circulation of this document has, over the past nine years, been strictly controlled.

    Locker Associates warned that the mill, with an annual capacity of 800 000 ton stainless flat-rolled steel, was highly risky.

    Warburg Dillon Read said that South Africa did not need another steel plant in addition to the many in the country.

    Paul Dunne, a professor of economics at the University of the West of England, who specialises in the economics of peace, security and military spending, described the affordability study as “a very thorough piece of work”.

    “I think ignoring these warnings was most definitely reckless,” he said.

    The Story So Far

    In 1995 the ministry of defence highlighted the need to restructure the new South African National Defence Force.

    The defence review of 1998 said the SANDF needed to be re-equipped to meet the national security needs of the new democracy. The review aimed to provide credible and convincing reasons for investing large amounts of money in defence.

    The result was the proposal of a multibillion-rand strategic arms procurement package, now widely known as “the arms deal” .

    By the end of 1999, the South African government had signed contracts totalling 4.8-billion (R30-billion in 1999 rands) to modernise its defence equipment, which included the purchase of corvettes, submarines, light utility helicopters, lead-in fighter trainers and advanced light fighter aircraft.

    Since then taxpayers have forked out billions of rands to pay for the massive loans that the government took out from banking institutions around the world.

  • For more sensational allegations, read the Sunday Times again next week.