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quarta-feira, 9 de janeiro de 2008

Observing the Hormuz Strait Incident

Observing the Hormuz Strait Incident

Vice Adm. Cosgriff, Commander, U.S. 5th Fleet, gave a press conference today to describe the facts of the encounter reported today between the USS Port Royal (CG 73), USS Hopper (DDG 70), and USS Ingraham (FFG 61) and the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

In the early hours of the morning, daylight hours of the morning, they were encountered by five total small high-speed craft that we assessed to belong the Iranian Revolutionary Guard navy. The five boats approached the formation on the formation's starboard bow in international waters slightly inside the gulf from the apex of the strait, broke into two groups, one to one side of the formation, one to the other. The groups maneuvered aggressively in the direction of the U.S. ships. They were called on radio; they were -- ships' whistles were sounded, those sorts of things, to draw attention to the fact that their maneuvers were a cause of concern to the commanding officers.

At one point during this encounter, we received a radio -- the ships received a radio call that was threatening in nature, to the effect that they were closing our ships and that the ships might -- the ships would explode, the U.S. ships would explode. Subsequently, two of these boats were observed dropping objects in the water, generally in the path of the final ship in the formation, the USS Ingraham. These objects were white box-like objects that floated, and obviously the ship passed by them safely.

The encounter continued, with the boats maneuvering close to stern and after -- under 30 minutes total, they returned in the direction from whence they came, to the north, back towards Iranian territorial waters.

He goes on to answer several questions. Some of the details discovered from his answers. I admit, some of this is redundant, but all of it is relevant.

1) This group had passed an Iranian navy ship earlier in its transit and exchanged quite correct radio communication with that Iranian ship, and indeed had communicated again correctly with some Iranian shore stations.

2) Radio calls were made from the U.S. warships. They were not heeded.

3) It was their judgment in the totality of the information they had in the situation, that warning shots were not necessary.

4) I take this incredibly seriously and I expect that commanding officers will successfully defend their ships and their crews at all times in this theater. It's important to remember we have been attacked by small high-speed boats in the Gulf, in the region -- the Cole -- and in the northern Gulf a few years ago. We have suffered casualties, and we take this deadly seriously.

5)
The transit began about, as I recall, an hour and half to two hours before outside the Gulf, and they proceeded in through the Strait of Hormuz, had already headed westward after the apex of the Gulf -- of the Strait. This occurred just about 0800, 8 A.M. local time, and lasted for less than 30 minutes.

6) [The IRGC Boats had]
Neither anti-ship missiles nor torpedoes, and I wouldn't characterize the posture of the U.S. 5th Fleet as afraid of these ships or these three U.S. ships afraid of these small boats.... That said, we take the potential for a small craft to inflict damage against a larger ship seriously, and we would be irresponsible if we didn't.

A few thoughts. The Iranian reaction is nonsense, it reminds me of the kind of nonsense we saw from the IRGC and Iran during the tanker wars in the 1980s. I was a bit disappointed that when Vice Adm. Cosgriff talked about historical cases of these type of encounters with high speed boats, he choose to mention the attack against the Iraqi oil terminals and the USS Cole bombing incident. Unlike the Iranians, we have a short view of history.

These types of encounters with Iran were not just uncommon, but very common in 1987 and 1988. Commercial mariners despised one ship in particular during the tanker wars, the Sabalan, whose captain was considered the biggest thug on the high seas. At least a half dozen US Navy ships during that time period recorded an incident of a mock attack against it by the Sabalan.

If you go back and review the tactical objectives of Operation Preying Mantis, the decision to provoke Iran by attacking two oil rigs supporting operations for the IRGC small boat squadrons was specifically designed to sink a single warship, and in the minds of everyone at that time the warship everyone wanted to sink was the Sabalan. It was in fact the sinking of her sister ship, the Sahand, that ended that naval action.

Why is it important to use historical incidents with Iran in context with this incident? Because even a casual review of the history of the tanker war reveals that the lack of a response, either by public embarrassment or by means of force, led to another, escalated act of aggression, and usually it didn't take long for the next 'incident.' When force is used, Iran always responded with force.

However, there were effective means for preventing a response from Iran during the tanker wars. Whenever Iran was discredited in world public opinion, internal domestic political problems would restrain a violent reaction. If the US does not take this opportunity to publicly establish a credible position over this incident in the court of public opinion, it is accurate to say that history speaks to escalation.

The way we see it, the United States needs to release the audio recordings of the threats by the Iranians. The Iranians are already on record of saying there was communication, Vice Adm. Cosgriff mentioned it as well. We are already seeing the Iranians spin the incident as a non event, this is clearly for their domestic consumption. Only by releasing the audio recordings of the incident does the US shift all the pressure of the incident to Iran, and more importantly damage the credibility of the Iranian government without actually escalating the incident.

If the war is being fought in the headlines, which many assume is a part of this incident drawing associations between the President's visit to the region, the nuclear issue, or the Iraq issue... then the US needs to be serious about the importance of competing in that public battleground. Otherwise, it will be other battlegrounds where Iran will continue to grab more victories in the battleground of headlines.

We are the ones calling Iran terrorists, it would be nice if this administration would stand up for the country in the battleground of world public opinion for a change. For example, we don't consider these types of inconsistent, incoherent policy statements standing up for American interests, in fact I'm not even sure what the hell that is.

Many are accurately pointing to the dangerous consequences that could have occurred had the US Navy given the IRGC small boat operators a swimming lesson with a wall of steel. It is too bad no one is highlighting the real danger of not establishing the credibility of the US by highlighting, proving the dangerous behavior of the IRGC boats, and in particular their statements. Historically speaking, ignoring the public discussion with Iran or simply addressing their actions with a hard line of rhetoric has failed to discourage more bad behavior. Such a response now would amount to turning a successful, professionally handled publicly discussed international incident by the Navy into a strategic draw because our political leadership is too weak to capitalize on the political victory available.

sexta-feira, 4 de janeiro de 2008

Quarta Esquadra de Recife para Mayport /4th Fleet Focus: Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick

Thursday, January 3, 2008

4th Fleet Focus: Speak Softly and Carry a Big Stick

It started with the Monroe Doctrine, but it was the timeless phrase President Theodore Roosevelt that nicely summarized Americas foreign policy towards South America... or was supposed to anyway. In reality, American foreign policy towards South America is complicated and can be legitimately argued as non-existent, at least the public coherent and explained policy anyway. It was around 1950 the American foreign policy attention span waned in South America, and arguably it continues to be poorly defined.

Ironically, it was 1950 when the US Navy folded the 4th fleet into the US 2nd fleet in Norfolk. Is that a coincidence? Perhaps, but the Great White Fleet started its journey by going to South America first, and that wasn't an accident. Today South America doesn't look anything like the South America of the Monroe Doctrine, President Theodore Roosevelt, or 1950. Today, South America is an emerging economic market the US needs to get engaged with diplomatically, and this little bit of news reflects that reality.

U.S. 4th Fleet, which hunted submarines in the South Atlantic during World War II until it was dissolved almost six decades ago, is on its way back.

The new 4th Fleet would cover a similar area, with plans to operate from Naval Station Mayport, Fla., and oversee operations in Central and South America. The commander of Naval Forces Southern Command would also be the head of 4th Fleet, Navy officials said.

The fleet would not own any ships. Instead, it would operate in the same way Navy forces do in the Persian Gulf region. In U.S. Central Command, one admiral serves as head of both Naval Forces Central Command and 5th Fleet. Therefore, the dual-hatted admiral in charge of 4th Fleet and NavSouth would be under the commander of Southern Command.

And when will the 4th Fleet stand up?

The decision to stand up the fleet, Navy officials said, is within the scope of the chief of naval operations, as changing ship home ports are. But a final go-ahead is still a ways off, though sources say the Navy’s leadership is actively working the issue and strongly in favor of the idea.

A final decision will not come until the Navy has briefed military and congressional leaders.

Sounds like we are still a few years off. We are not sure what to make of this, and expect, like AFRICOM, there is more to this story than what the early press stories reveal. Our initial reaction to this bit of news was sarcasm. Is this an inside move to create more staff positions? The thought crossed our mind, but it is more likely there is some good logic here.

There are regional players that can no longer be ignored. Brazil, for example, shouldn't be ignored. Brazil in 20 years could very easily be what India or China is today, a rising economic and military power. Brazil has a lot of problems to overcome to realize that potential, but the potential most certainly exists and the US is wise not to ignore it, and would be very wise to get engaged with Brazil on the level sooner rather than later.

Another regional player is Venezuela. Huge Chavez may be the darling of western socialists, but his military moves, particularly in regards to building paramilitary forces and questionable policies with assault rifles is troubling. Should Venezuela actually follow through and put 9 AIP submarines in the Caribbean Sea that would be a valid national security concern for a 4th fleet.

It is hard to tell exactly what the reasons are for this move, as it is still early in the process. Regardless, there has been a lot of attention given to South America, between Global Fleet Stations, hospital ship deployments, humanitarian missions, and Partnership deployments the Navy has certainly remained engaged without a numbered fleet.

The Submarine for the new era



The Swedish Government gave the GO AHEAD to the construction of






Kockums has been at the leading edge of technology for a long time. In marine engineering, this has been demonstrated by a long succession of innovations, particularly in the latest Gotland and Collins class submarines. Developments are foregoing ahead. The Viking submarine is the next generation.





Improved stealth technology
The Viking submarine is characterised by substantial investments made in stealth technology and further development of Kockums advanced modular construction technique.

The Combat Management System integrated in the newly developed weapon system will co-ordinate all sensor functions, weapon functions, the navigation system and the communication system.






Air independent propulsion
Improved AIP performance is one of the most significant developments that enables the submarine to complete her mission submerged for extreme periods of time, making her invaluable both in peacetime and in all possible conflict situations.




The Viking Class submarine
Technical data

Hull

Single pressure hull

Length over all

52 - 60 m

Beam

6.7 m

Displacement

1100 - 1700 tonnes

Propulsion

Stirling Air Independent Propulsion

Weapons

Multi-purpose homing torpedoes, cruise missiles, ASW torpedoes, mines and countermeasures

Submerged endurance

Up to 100% of mission time


quinta-feira, 3 de janeiro de 2008

HSV Swift Deploys To African Partnership Initiative

Thursday, January 3, 2008

HSV Swift Deploys To African Partnership Initiative

The Navy is deploying HSV Swift to Africa to take part in the African Partnership Initiative.

The high speed vessel, HSV Swift, will depart Friday to join USS Fort McHenry (LSD 43) off the west coast of Africa.

Swift will join the Navy's Global Fleet Station (GFS) initiative in an effort to promote maritime security, build relationships with surrounding nations and provide a stronger naval presence.

The ship will deploy from Little Creek Amphibious Base along with the Naval Station Ingleside, Texas-based Blue Crew, who will conduct a turnover with the Little Creek-based Gold Crew Thursday.

We have not seen any good articles on the pilot Global Fleet Station mission to Central America, and continue to look for a good summery. We still find that to be a bit odd, particularly considering the amount of attention that goes into promoting these types of missions before they begin. The hospital ships get the same coverage, a bunch of information up front but very little follow up.

However, we are getting good information on the use of High Speed Vessels. This is a particularly useful list of statistics from the same article.

In October, Swift returned to the United States after a two-year deployment that took the crew on a 100,000 nautical mile trip in which the crew visited over 30 countries and moored in over 100 ports.

HSV Swift is a rental, and the US Navy is getting its moneys worth. This leads to several questions. How cost effective are these high speed platforms compared to conventional platforms? For example, we know it costs more to send a ship like HSV Swift than to send a conventional ship, at least on a per ton basis; however we also would assume the speed is very useful.

For all the attention given HSV Swift, we don't see a lot of attention given in shipbuilding to producing ships like it. The JHSV program is scheduled to begin this year, FY09, but only consists of 8 platforms and it is a joint program with the Army. Given the amount of PR HSV Swift gets, one would think the Navy would want a few dozen of these low cost platforms. Or not.

While we know that these high speed vessels are cheap to produce, I get the impression they must be fairly expensive to operate, because that would explain why the Navy isn't building more of them. In our list of metrics, lift ranks very high, higher than tactical speed, which is why we advocate the CH-53K over the MV-22 as another example. These High Speed Vessels have 'decent' lift, not excellent, but do add speed to that lift capacity which can be important in some situations. It will be interesting to observe the evolution of high speed vessels as they become more numerous within the US Navy's deployment options.

quarta-feira, 2 de janeiro de 2008

''Economic Brief: Brazil Announces Size of Tupi Oil Field''

''Economic Brief: Brazil Announces Size of Tupi Oil Field''

he sudden announcement of the size of the Tupi oil field has pushed Brazil into a delicate and potentially powerful economic and political position in the Americas. Petrobras, the Brazilian state-run oil company, has known about the field for more than a year. Up until now, however, they have been tight lipped as to the size of Tupi, which is located off the southeastern coast of Brazil. Petrobras recently cast aside their silent treatment in regard to the field, which was revealed to have between five and eight billion barrels of crude oil and natural gas. The possibilities of this new development have ramifications for three main actors: Brazil, Venezuela and the United States.

With the discovery of Tupi and the more northerly oil field in the Campos and Espirito Santo basins, Brazil, which only last year utilized its hydroelectric and ethanol energy sources to become a minor energy exporter, could possibly export as much light oil (the most valuable and least expensive to produce form of crude oil) as some countries in the Arab world, and even as much as Venezuela.

Venezuela, which is currently the leading energy exporter of the starved southern portion of the Americas, has interests in the newly discovered oil fields. As was stated in the November 17 issue of the New York Times, "Mr. Chavez nervously jested that Mr. da Silva was now an 'oil magnate.' He also quickly suggested that the two nations create an Amazonian energy region similar to the Caribbean and Andean integration efforts Venezuela had been pushing for." With this, Venezuela has shown what it perceives to be its interests involving the new Brazilian discoveries. Caracas does not have illusions of having a full scale energy monopoly in South America; however, it is interested in cooperation with Brazil if the latter allows it.

A force that could counter Venezuelan influence is the United States. With Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez's rhetoric directed at the United States, it is not difficult to imagine that Washington would attempt to use its regional influence to affect the policies of Brazil, most likely in order to undermine Venezuelan attempts to form a cooperative partnership between the two states. U.S. interests in the matter are to curb Venezuelan power in the region, by creating a sort of regional power balance between Venezuela and Brazil, the latter of which the United States would hope to maintain friendly relations.

With the attention of a great power like the United States, and a regional power like Venezuela, Brazil finds itself in a position of power that gives it several opportunities. Whether or not the Brazilian government headed by President Lula Ignacio da Silva will choose a path of unilateral action and stay completely unaffected by the two interceding powers or cooperate with the two powers vying for its attention is yet to be seen, but it is critical to recognize that Brazil will determine its own actions and that it is a strong enough power to hold all the cards in the current situation.

Report Drafted By:


The Power and Interest News Report (PINR) is an analysis-based publication that seeks to, as objectively as possible, provide insight into various conflicts, regions and points of interest around the globe. PINR approaches a subject based upon the powers and interests involved, leaving the moral judgments to the reader. This report may not be reproduced, reprinted or broadcast without the written permission of inquiries@pinr.com. All comments should be directed to content@pinr.com.

Navy decommissions last coastal minehunters


Navy decommissions last coastal minehunters


By Zachary M. Peterson - Staff writer

The Navy bid adieu to its last four Osprey-class coastal minehunter ships Dec. 1, leaving the service to rely on 14 Avenger-class minehunters and the nascent Littoral Combat Ship program to fill the niche mission of surveying shallow coastal waters for mines.

The decommissioning ceremony was held at Naval Station Ingleside, Texas. The ships — Black Hawk, Cormorant, Kingfisher and Shrike — were capable of clearing harbors and other coastal waters of various types of underwater mines.

The ships were commissioned between 1996 and 1999. The Navy began decommissioning its 12 coastal minehunters in June 2006. The Greek and Egyptian navies each own two of the ships; the rest remain in storage in Beaumont, Texas, according to the Navy.

The roughly 200 total sailors assigned to the last four ships have been reassigned, Naval Station Ingleside spokeswoman Fifi Kieschnick said. A “large portion” of these sailors will remain in the mine warfare community, but the Navy was unable to quantify how many sailors were going where, Kieschnick said.

The service retains its fleet of 14 Avenger-class mine countermeasures ships, which are stationed in Bahrain and Japan. The MCMs were designed for deep-water minesweeping, hunting and neutralization, and have a longer range than the Osprey ships. The first of these ships is slated to leave the fleet in fiscal 2016.

Lee Hunt, vice president for academic affairs for the Mine Warfare Association, said the departure of the last coastal minehunters robs the service of the ability to survey domestic harbors for mines.

“The loss of the Navy’s 12 [coastal minehunters] means that we have no capability to survey our harbors against terrorist mining,” Hunt said.

But Navy spokeswoman Lt. Jessica Gandy said the service is confident its other assets — including the Avenger-class minesweepers and helicopter anti-mine units — can respond to a harbor terrorist threat.

The service should purchase additional Small Waterplane Area Twin Hull, or SWATH, boats, such as the one used by Explosive Ordnance Disposal Mobile Unit 7 in San Diego, to fill the gap, Hunt said. The boats are relatively inexpensive, roughly $2 million each, and require a crew of five, he said.

However, the service has no plan on record to purchase more of these boats. The Navy’s mine warfare plan includes moving six MCMs to San Diego in fiscal 2009, according to briefing slides the service provided to Navy Times.

The Navy’s ability to retain mine-hunting capabilities will depend on the LCS, a multimission vessel that will serve as the service’s primary mine warfare ship when it hits the fleet in the next two years. The Navy plans to have 30 LCS sea frames by fiscal 2018.

“I don’t expect there to be a gap” in mine warfare capability, said Robert Work, a naval analyst at the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments in Washington. “I think we’re in good shape.”

Nonetheless, Work noted a lot depends on how the LCS mine warfare module performs.

In the future, the question will be whether the LCS will “augment or replace” the Avenger-class MCMs, he said.

The mine warfare mission module under development for LCS features newer, more portable anti-mine technologies. The module was delivered to the fleet in September, but parts of the new system remain in development. The system will not be tested on an LCS until next year at the earliest. The module includes underwater autonomous mine-hunting vehicles, along with radars on LCS-launched MH-60S Seahawk helicopters.

Dedicated mine warfare assets such as minesweepers are often too slow, and the ability to put the mine warfare module on an LCS allows for “greater speed and endurance” in anti-mine missions, Capt. Michael Good, program manager for the modules, told Navy Times in September.

Further, the module uses autonomous systems to help “take sailors out the minefield” by keeping them out of dangerous waters. Instead, sailors will monitor the situation from the LCS, Good said.

Since 1950, enemy sea mines have damaged or destroyed 15 Navy ships — more than any other weapons combined, the Government Accountability Office noted in an October report on the Navy’s mine warfare module for the LCS.

Further, the GAO report says the Navy should delay full-rate production of certain mine countermeasures planned for the LCS program until the new ship is capable of testing such systems.

In a written response to the report, the Defense Department said delays in the full-rate production schedule for the mine warfare systems would harm development of the overall platform.

India's ATV SSN Submarine Project

India's ATV SSN Submarine Project

Russian Akula Class II nuclear attack sumarine - of the type India is set to lease.
-
This fairly detailed (India's ATV SSN Submarine Project, from Defense Industry Daily December 10, 2007) discussion of provides a interesting analysis of why India is developing its submarine fleet and some of the problems of depending on the Russians:


"According to GlobalSecurity.org, India's ATV (advanced technology vessel) program to build a nuclear-powered submarine began in 1974, and became a serious effort in 1985.The Federation of American Scientists' December 1996 document "The Indian Strategic Nuclear Submarine Project: An Open Literature Analysis" remains one of the best single open sources on India's program. Unfortunately, it was compiled over a decade ago and has become rather dated...


The ATV Program: Background

India has long sea lanes, and industrial progress is forcing greater interest in Africa, with its natural resources and sizable Indian diaspora. China maintains a similar interest, and so the sea lanes from South Africa to the Straits of Malacca have become a focus for quiet rivalry. A nuclear-powered submarine's ability to remain underwater almost indefinitely has substantial benefits over long sea lanes – and also has significant deterrence potential, if equipped with cruise missiles for land attack roles.



Even so, the going was slow in India. Reports indicate that it took until the late the late 1980s before funding began to flow into the ATV project in a more serious manner. In January 1988, Russia reportedly leased India a single-reactor Charlie-I Class SSGN for evaluation and training purposes.


Progress on the ATV continued thereafter, and in our 2005 article "India's Multi-billion Dollar Scorpene Sub Contract (Updated)," DID noted a Times of India report which claimed that spin-offs from the diesel-electric Scorpene Class project for 6 new submarines would help India with its ATV program.


A development reactor had gone critical at Kalpakkam in southern India in October 2004, anf by August 2006, Jane's Navy International reported Indian claims that they had successfully developed a naval 100MW atomic reactor for the ATV SSN program that was "fully operational."


In truth, the Scorpene project had nothing to do with that crucial step. It does improve India's native capabilities in submarine design and construction, but developing a miniaturized reactor suitable for naval use in submarines is a technical challenge all its own. Now that the reactor design is operational, however, India's level of submarine design and build expertise will come into play.


Given a nuclear fast attack submarine's inherent capabilities, however, the big question is whether the ATV is designed as a long range patrol submarine with conventional land attack capabilities, like most SSNs, or whether the intent is to arm it with nuclear-tipped missiles.
In a December 2007 press conference, India's Naval chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta made that aspect clearer when he said that: "in our credible minimum nuclear deterrent plans, the induction of nuclear weapons under sea constitutes the third triad."
Israel's sea-launched, medium-long range cruise missiles would certainly fit that bill, and their Popeye Turbo design reportedly has the heft to carry nuclear weapons.

Basic Nuclear Propulsion


Dec 6/07: India's Naval chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta vows that the ATV nuclear submarine, currently under construction at Vishakhapatnam by the DRDO, will be commissioned and ready for trials "within 2 years" (2009). The reactor, he said, is now in the process of being mounted on the submarine's hull. In the meantime, he said, India was negotiating to lease a Russian SSN Akula Class/ Project 971 nuclear submarine, and hoped the country would get the platform in the middle of 2008 for training Indian naval personnel. Daylife news roundup on the topic New Kerala report.


Senior members on India's military have issued many statements of this kind on various topics, only some of which emerge from India's procurement and development bureaucracy and come true. Time will tell, but if the naval reactor is operational and proves to be safe, India will have conquered the biggest part of the SSN challenge.


The Akula lease may prove more problematic. Given Mehta's reported rejection of Russia's request for additional funds to finish work on the INS Vikramaditya (ex-Gorshkov) carrier conversion, it would certainly be easy for Russia to use an Akula lease as a very strong bargaining chip, and hold up approval pending satisfaction on other fronts. After all, barring a major and unexpected commitment from the USA, India isn't likely to find a lease of that type from any other source.


July 1/06: The Hindu reports that Russia's Nerpa fast attack nuclear submarine is launched at the Amur shipyard. Nerpa is a Project 971 third-generation submarine (NATO code name Akula-II). RIA Novosti reports that she will join Russia's Pacific Fleet in 2007 after undergoing sea trials – Indian and Russian officials have denied reports that she would be leased to India.
February 2006: The Russian online daily Kommersant reports an announcement by Russian Federal Service for Military and Technical Cooperation head Mikhail Dmitriev, that Russian arms export for the year 2005 touched $6.126-billion. This amount is $826 million more than the amount announced by Russian President Vladmir Putin on Dec 28/05. Kommersant, quoting military sources, attributes the increase to the delivery to China the eighth Project 636 submarine ($225 million) and sale to India of the Akula Project 971 nuclear submarine ($600 million) constructed by Amur Shipbuilder in the Khabarovsk Region.




Source.
January 2006: The Monterey Institute for International Studies' Center for Nonproliferation Studies
reports that:


"Commander-in-Chief of the Russian Navy Admiral Vladimir Kuroyedov has announced that Russia plans to lease two nuclear submarines to India. The statement was made during his visit to the Amurskiy Shipyard [see map] in the Russian Far East in late January 2002. The shipyard is constructing the first submarine India would lease—the Nerpa, a Shchuka B-class [NATO name 'Akula II'] nuclear-powered attack submarine (SSN). [See Shchuka B-Class SSN Stats.] The second submarine, the Kuguar, is being constructed in the Far North at the Sevmash facility in Severodvinsk. India will provide Russia with financing to complete construction of the two SSNs, while Russia will train four Indian submarine crews and provide India with the submarines for five years, beginning in 2004."


Sept 17/98: The Bellona Foundation's brief concerning the Russian Northern Fleet conveys a report from the Russian Defence Ministry's official newspaper Krasnaya Zvezda that Russia is assisting India in completing the submarine's hull and installation of the nuclear reactor. It adds:
"During the past years, ATV has not been receiving sufficient funding, as most of the recourses were spent on development of nuclear bombs. This year, the Indian Defence Ministry has managed to increase funding by 15% for 1998/1999, amounting to more than $10 billion. The future funding has been guaranteed as well… According to Russky Telegraph, the hulls of the submarines laid down in India are almost blueprints of the newest Russian attack submarine, the Severodvinsk-class, which is currently under construction in Severodvinsk, Arkhangel'sk County. Indian submarines reportedly will be outfitted with one PWR reactor with a power output of 190 MW. The same machinery is placed on the Severodvinsk-class submarine.""

ANALISE ARTIGO PROCEEDINGS-Fill the Middle Gap Rediscover the Corvette

A Call For New Platforms To Fill the Gaps

Did I mention I am very pleased with this months publication of Proceedings? Yep, and I'll say it again, this months publication is excellent. I don't know what compelled Lieutenant James Rushton to pen this article, but I for one congratulate him for doing so. In this excellent article, tucked away for members only, Lieutenant Rushton channels Thomas Barnett and Andrew Krepinevich to echo a call made by CDR Salamander only last month.

The article, Fill the Middle Gap Rediscover the Corvette, marks the first article in Proceedings that advocates change based on the evolving lessons of this century and reflects precisely the new Maritime Strategy.


The U.S. Navy needs a new force structure for the new century's challenges. This force should include ships that are inexpensive enough to be plentiful, and robust enough to operate for prolonged periods in inhospitable environments far from the mainstream of U.S. Navy support. Our commanders must be able to commit these ships without reluctance to dangerous waters among the dhows, junks, and oil platforms in shallow seas. In short, we need a small warship that can self-deploy to (and stay in!) areas like the Horn of Africa, South East Asia, and the Gulf of Guinea.

First the author goes back to history in search of guidance moving forward.

Today the U.S. Navy finds itself in a position similar to that of the 1815 Royal Navy. No legitimate competitor challenges us for control of the seas, yet in many ways the world is a far more dangerous place than it was when the Berlin Wall fell.

This is a very similar point this blog made back in August. After doing some research at that time, I kept running into statements and testimony made by Bob Work for a concept he credited to Andrew Krepinevich known as "the strategy of the second move." As we detailed, the period following the War of 1812 for the Royal Navy represents the best historical example regarding the position the US Navy finds itself in today. It should be pointed out, and Lieutenant Rushton does point out, that while the time is known for colonial rule, the Royal Navy did a lot of good ranging from suppressing disorder in remote locations, almost completely eliminating the slave trade by themselves, projected British influence and interests around the world, and served as a instrument for peace as a deterrent for war.

Lieutenant Rushton goes on to describe the problem facing today's Navy.

The image of a 10,000-ton, billion-dollar cruiser being used to defend Iraqi oil platforms in painfully shallow and congested waters points to the limits of what can be done to reconfigure our existing Navy. The CNO's new maritime strategy acknowledges that preventing wars is as important as winning wars, and that new challenges face our traditional naval force structure beyond sea control and power projection: irregular, catastrophic, and disruptive threats emanating from terrorism, proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and disruption of the sea-borne economic lifelines that gird the globe.

To counter these threats, naval forces must operate in and around what Thomas Barnett calls the "non integrating gaps" in the world politico-economic structure. While traditional warships and the LCS can contribute much to stability and counter-proliferation operations, a more continuous and intimate presence is required than what can be achieved with a Navy composed solely of these capable—and expensive—assets.

Very well said sir, we agree completely. This is the message Rumsfeld transformational types do not want to hear. This is the message those still in search of a Mahan strategy for the modern Navy simply ignore. This is the message directly counter to the current direction of the Navy, its spending priorities, and its existing force structure.

For Christmas this year I bought each member of my team three books. The Pentagons New Map, Six Frigates, and Shooter. While I highly recommend all three, I believe The Pentagon's New Map is a prerequisite for understanding some of the ideas on the direction of the Navy and the force structure of the Navy promoted here. The new Maritime Strategy addresses the gaps, and not just with lip service.

The Navy should think clearly about how to approach the unique problems associated with the "non integrating gaps" and in doing so, recognize the metrics are dissimilar enough to require special attention, but flexible enough to scale all the way up to major war. This is why a common hull strategy for a larger fleet may be the way ahead, particular if the Navy eventually finds modular payloads both affordable and desirable. That is why when this blog advocates Corvettes and Motherships, we advocate based on the LCS hull and the LPD-17 hull.

Lieutenant Rushton goes on to make his case for the Corvette as the solution for the middle gap the Navy is looking to fill. In doing so he goes on to cite one of my favorite quotes.

"You hear a lot these days about virtual presence. Well, for naval forces, virtual presence is actual absence. And we are not going to be absent. If you're not there you can't do much." (To Students and Faculty of the Naval War College, 31 August 2005 at the Naval War College Newport, R.I.)

Rushton cites Mullen in the article, but many have said it. Is the Corvette the answer to presence at the table of "non integrating gaps" problem? CDR Salamander would be happy, he has laid out at least a dozen good reasons why Corvettes make a lot of sense for the US Navy over the years, reasons that range from improving the officer corp to meeting the mission profile.

We tend to agree with Lt. Rushton as well, at least mostly. We think the Corvette is part of the solution, but we still believe the Navy needs a series of platforms that meet these irregular challenges to address both the high end and low end of warfare. We have called such a system the "Littoral Strike Group" in the past, but buzwords mean nothing, what we would prefer to see is a larger collection of concepts as part of a unified strategy to address the challenges, and integrate from the ground up a working relationship with other partners (both governmental and nongovernmental) that will be required to truly meet the requirements, with the Navy as the key enabler. Credit Lieutenant Rushton though for bringing up the subject, observing the need, and putting together an excellent article that highlights not only the historical view, but the strategic vision of today as well.

terça-feira, 1 de janeiro de 2008

Will India get USS Kitty Hawk?

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NOTICIARIONAVAL

Will India get USS Kitty Hawk?
http://standeyo.com/index_images/USS.Kitty.Hawk.jpg

Thanks largely to India's first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, who
shared with his leftwing British friends a dislike of the Yanks, the
geopolitically senseless alienation between the United States and
India continued for five decades after India's independence in 1947.

What seems finally to have convinced the British to leave India was
the seepage of loyalty from the Indian component of the armed forces.
More than 2 million Indians saw action on the Allied side during World
War II. Yet during the war, their loyalty to the Crown was tested by
the discriminatory treatment meted out to Indians in the services.
British personnel dominated the higher reaches of the military and
were given perquisites and privileges far beyond those enjoyed by
Indians.

Several thousands of soldiers joined the pro-Axis Indian National Army
during the war. Within the ranks of those who remained on the Allied
side, there was visible sympathy for those Indian officers and men who
switched sides and refused to fight for the British monarchy that
denied them the privileges enjoyed by soldiers from the Australian,
New Zealand, U.S. and Canadian complements. The possibility of
widespread revolts within the armed forces concentrated minds in
London and speeded up the withdrawal from India

During World War II, the Muslim League under M. A. Jinnah backed the
Allies unreservedly, and was later rewarded with Pakistan, a Muslim
state carved out of Hindu-majority India. Jinnah's effusive backing
for the British was matched by his successors' similarly emollient
line toward the United States. As a result, Washington joined London
in regarding Pakistan as a reliable ally, in contrast to the
"undependable" Indians -- a tilt that continued until 9/11.

Even as late as the 1990s, the U.S. was pressuring India to surrender
the Kashmir valley to Pakistan. At the same time the Clinton
administration was covertly backing the jihadi elements that finally
took power in Kabul in 1996 as the Taliban. Interestingly, as yet the
U.S. Congress has not opened an enquiry into the 1994-96 policies that
resulted in Osama bin Laden's patrons being given charge of
Afghanistan, with consequences that have been disastrous for
international security.

Relentless U.S. and British pressure since the 1950s on the Kashmir
issue, and lavish military and civilian help given to Pakistan, caused
New Delhi to gravitate toward the Soviet Union. Even in its 1971-1977
heyday, however, the strategic relationship between New Delhi and
Moscow never resulted in a single Soviet soldier coming to India for
basing or training.

Nowadays the U.S. military routinely undertakes joint exercises and
training sorties in India. Fear of international jihad and worries
over a fast-developing Chinese military have made the United States
and India de facto military allies.

However, within both countries strong lobbies are still at work to
abort this alliance. Within the United States these anti-India groups
have coalesced around two poles. The first comprises those who take a
Euro-centric view of the world, seeing it in terms of the West and the
Rest. Such individuals see little value in a full-fledged alliance
with India that might divert focus from NATO. According to this
school, the only core international partners of value to the United
States in worldwide conflicts are the other NATO countries.

The other lobby hard at work within the United States to sabotage the
India-U.S. military alliance comprises backers of the Pakistan army.
Recent efforts by officers who seek to forge a comprehensive military
relationship with India to offer the USS Kitty Hawk carrier to the
Indian Navy -- as the USS Trenton was a few years ago -- seem to have
foundered on opposition from pro-Pakistan and NATO-centric elements in
the U.S. military. They see the move as potentially alienating the
Pakistan military.

Such a transfer would link the United States and India in a military
supply relationship that could lead to the displacement of Russia as
the primary supplier to India of defense equipment. Yet both the NATO
and Pakistan lobbies within the U.S. military are working overtime to
scuttle the plan to offer the USS Kitty Hawk to the Indians.

Within India too there has been resistance to the induction of the USS
Kitty Hawk. It comes from the segment within the Indian Navy that is
in favor of Russian or French platforms, both being lucrative sources
of patronage. Their efforts at downplaying the force multiplier effect
of the U.S. carrier focus on its "obsolete" catapult technology and
the expenses involved in a refit.

That their primary interest is to prevent a reversal of the Indian
decision to induct the Russian carrier Gorshkov (now estimated to cost
US$1.6 billion in place of the $500 million quoted earlier) is clear
from the primary argument used against the U.S. naval vessel, which is
the age of the four-decade-old ship. However, unlike the Gorshkov,
which is unable to sail at all, the U.S. vessel is operational, and
was recently in the news for its attempt to dock in Hong Kong over the
Thanksgiving weekend.

The fear among those within the Indian defense establishment with
financial ties to Russian and French defense suppliers is that
acquisition of the USS Kitty Hawk would result in New Delhi purchasing
U.S. aircraft for the carrier, and later for the air force, in place
of Russian ones. As such purchases could amount to US$22 billion over
the next five years, the stakes are substantial even in purely
financial terms.

Eager to get India to pay an extra US$1.4 billion for the Russian
carrier, the pro-Russia lobby in India has ignored the fact that the
modified Kiev class aviation cruiser was earlier mothballed due to a
collapse of its propulsion systems. After nearly $500 million was paid
toward a refit by India, it has been pulled out for a very expensive
refurbishment and rechristened the INS Vikramaditya. The effectiveness
of the multidimensional firepower it could unleash after such a $1.9
billion refit is yet to be tested.

The French and Russian lobbies were alerted by the Indian Navy's
procurement of the former USS Trenton LPD-14. This ship, rechristened
the INS Jalashwa in 2006, has a long record of operational performance
with the U.S. Navy's carrier and amphibious groups. The Indian Navy's
amphibious expeditionary capabilities have been significantly enhanced
with the Jalashwa, the induction of which has helped familiarize naval
personnel with U.S. systems.

The Indian Navy will add at least another 45 vessels in the next
decade to maintain a 140-ship navy for operations. The focus is to
reinforce sea control and sea denial capability that spans the Persian
Gulf to the China Seas. The induction of the USS Kitty Hawk could be
the trigger for the switchover from Russian-French to U.S. platforms
in first the navy and later the air force and the army.

Indeed, the Kitty Hawk was the lead carrier along with the USS Nimitz
CVN 68 in the recently concluded Malabar 07-02 in the Bay of Bengal,
which significantly enhanced interoperability between U.S. and Indian
forces. If it beats back hostile lobbies in both the U.S. and India
and is rescued from oblivion by joining the expanding Indian Navy, the
USS Kitty Hawk may serve as a force multiplier in the U.S.-India
defense relationship.

Balance of world power is changing rapidly

December 31, 2007

Balance of world power is changing rapidly

Many wished and believed a decade after the Cold War ended that the future world would be a multipolar one. But at the same time, they also believed that as the overwhelming superpower, US hegemony would persist for at least another 50 years or even longer.

But recent years have shown that this is not the case. Affected by economic globalisation and the pursuit of profit maximisation, and pushed particularly by “borderless information” and “hi-tech’s invisible hand”, the progress of world multipolarity has not been slow, but has accelerated in recent years.

Changes in the international balance of power have taken place faster than some American “futurists” had expected. Who would have ever imagined that China and India could develop at such surprising speed? Who would have thought that China’s (official) foreign exchange reserve could jump to be the world’s No. 1? Who would have thought that Russia would regain its great power status so rapidly?


After the quick rise of “BRIC” (Brazil, Russia, India, and China), 2007 has witnessed the emergence of “VISTA” (Viet Nam, Indonesia, South Africa, Turkey, and Argentina).

According to statistics, the foreign exchange reserves of developing countries make up three quarters of the world’s total. Three (China, Russia, and India) of BRIC are all “tycoons” in this area. Emerging countries’ proportion in the world economy has increased from 39.7 per cent in the early 1990s to 48 per cent last year.
Apart from China’s impressive speed, the annual economic growth rate of India has been maintained at six to seven per cent over the past decade, and is expected to be 8.5 per cent this year. Both China and India rank among the top three most attractive investing countries in the world (the US is obviously the other one).
Russia has also been enjoying rapid growth in the past seven years, with an annual GDP growth rate of 7.8 per cent and gold exchange reserves of $404.8 billion. More than $200 billion in debt left by the break up of the Soviet Union has almost been repaid. The country has returned to the list of the world’s top 10 biggest economies. Seeking to be among the top five by 2020, Russia’s GDP per capital may reach $30,000 by then.

Among the five VISTA countries, the annual GDP of Viet Nam has increased 8.7 per cent this year compared to 2006. The country has now become a leading one for trade and investment in Asia.

The total value of external trade of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (Asean) exceeded $1.4 trillion in 2006, and its total domestic trade value was about $340 billion. The goal of forming an Asean Community will possibly be realised before 2015. The value of trade between China and Asean is expected to be $190 billion this year. The establishment of the China-Asean Free Trade Zone is accelerating.

Having become the biggest exporter to the Japanese and South Korean markets, the value of trade between China and Japan has exceeded $200 billion, and that between China and South Korea $160 billion. Conspicuous growth was also seen between China and the US, Australia, New Zealand, and Russia.

Some international economic groups have pointed out that the world economy is experiencing its biggest transformation since the Industrial Revolution. Economic centres have been shifting from the developed world to emerging markets in Asia, East Europe, Middle East, and Latin America. BRIC and VISTA are changing the economic structure of the world. These factors are persuasive.

Obviously, it cannot be said at this stage that BRIC, VISTA, and some other states have become “polars” of the world. But it is an irreversible trend. It also cannot be said that the US, which still dominates international markets, has lost its leading position. But it is a fact that it is going “down hill”, and shrinking in relative power.

These changes, continuous and historical, will significantly affect future international relations. In another development, regional conflicts and wars are likely to continue and intensify because the nature of the global strategy of the US will remain unchanged. The US, whether under the Republicans or the Democrats, will continue to be the main antagonist. At the same time, the development of the international and regional situation will not change according to the whims of Washington. Under such circumstances, contradictions and conflicts are virtually inevitable and are likely to crop up from time to time.

If dealt with inappropriately, it could likely lead to wars. Currently, there is no shortage of international hot spots ~ the “Horn of Africa”, Iran-US, and America’s deployment of anti-ballistic missiles in some East European countries. The number of such hot spots will tend to increase in the future, a cruel reality that none of us want to see.

Conclusion: Development of the international situation requires China to fully make use of the strategic opportunities though tough challenges still exist.
President Hu Jintao’s report to the 17th Party Congress gives a better answer on to how to cope with such a situation. Hu’s words of “constructing a harmonious world”, is highly welcomed by the international community, and has “brought China and the world closer”.

However, we should be prudent and modest, enhance our sense of urgency and never lose our head. Now some people with ulterior motives are singing a “song of praise” for China on the international platform, and are even advocating that “China, US jointly lead the world”. Some domestic media and “experts” are also espousing the belief that China is getting ready to “lead the world”.

China’s long-term strategic principle is peaceful development. We should maintain a balance between the two and avoid overly stressing any of them. Policies and strategies are the lifeblood of our diplomacy, yet we should not confuse their roles. If we do so, we will face a significant loss in the future.

China Daily/ANN

(The author is a researcher on international relations based in Beijing)

sexta-feira, 28 de dezembro de 2007

ARGENTINA NEGOCIAN LACOMPRA DE AVIONES DE COMBATE







Argentina

Negocian con los EE.UU. la compra de aviones de
combate

El Ministerio de Defensa está
muy interesado en los cazabombarderos F-16

(El primer desafío
para Cristina Kirchner
)


Los diplomáticos
argentinos definen que las relaciones con los Estados
Unidos pasan por un muy mal momento. El fantasma
de Guido Antonini Wilson se entromete en todo relato
local que apunta a Washington. Sin embargo, otra
agenda mantiene abiertos canales de interés
común. La Argentina negocia con los Estados
Unidos la compra de aviones de combate.


Importantes funcionarios
argentinos y norteamericanos tuvieron en los últimos
quince días reuniones para que nuestro país
adquiera cazabombarderos F-16.


Tanto del lado argentino
como del norteamericano confirmaron a LA NACION
la apertura de las conversaciones. Los representantes
de los Estados Unidos manifestaron su interés
en que pueda concretarse la operación, cuyo
valor no trascendió dado que Washington ofreció
usar el sistema de venta de armas a países
amigos, mecanismo que permite disminuir considerablemente
los costos.


En el Ministerio
de Defensa argentino tienen a los cazabombarderos
F-16 como prioridad en aviones de combate, por sobre
la oferta francesa de Mirage 2000. En ambos casos
se trata de aeronaves usadas.


Hace una semana,
un enviado del gobierno de Nicolas Sarkozy visitó
el Ministerio de Defensa para renovar la propuesta
que Francia había realizado durante la administración
de Jacques Chirac: 12 Mirage 2000 a un precio total
de 90 millones de euros. Se llevó la respuesta
de que hoy el ofrecimiento norteamericano de F-16
presentaba mejores condiciones económicas
para nuestro país. De todas maneras, la delegación
francesa no se fue ofendida porque su cartera de
propuestas era más amplia que el punto referido
a los aviones.


Dos meses atrás,
fueron los representantes de la industria militar
israelí los que presentaron una carpeta comercial
con F-16, momento en el que volvió a hablarse
de ese avión de combate multipropósito.
Entonces llegó la propuesta de los Estados
Unidos.


Los tiroteos diplomáticos
de los últimos días con los norteamericanos
no alcanzaron a impactar sobre las negociaciones
en marcha, más que nada porque la decisión
argentina se tomaría en el final del primer
semestre de 2008, tiempo de trabajo suficiente para
colocar bajo un paraguas técnico al trascendental
acuerdo militar. Aunque toda venta de sistemas de
armas de los Estados Unidos debe contar con el acuerdo
de los legisladores de ese país.


Un día antes
de que estallase el escándalo judicial de
Antonini Wilson en Miami, el Congreso norteamericano
había destrabado la prometida venta de helicópteros
de transporte Sea King para la Armada.


Necesidades


La Argentina busca
ahora aviones de combate para reemplazar a las distintas
versiones del sistema de armas Mirage, que opera
en el país desde los años 70. El 1°
de mayo último, uno de esos cazas se estrelló
durante un vuelo de exhibición en Tandil
y el piloto falleció. Esa situación
y el antecedente del siniestro del rompehielos Irízar
pusieron en evidencia la necesidad de modernizar
los medios militares argentinos.


La última
compra de aviones de combate se realizó a
mediados de los años 90, cuando los Estados
Unidos vendieron 36 cazabombarderos A4 para reemplazar
a los perdidos en la guerra en las islas Malvinas
en 1982. La falta de presupuesto no permitió
sostener esos aviones y hoy son muy pocos los que
están en capacidad de operar.


Uno de los intereses
compartidos por funcionarios argentinos y norteamericanos
tiene que ver con la posibilidad de homologar los
sistemas de armas en la subregión, ya que
el soporte de la defensa aérea de Chile lo
representan, justamente, los cazabombarderos F-16.


Para los Estados
Unidos se trata de un tema importante la unión
castrense que alcanzan la Argentina y Chile, al
punto que los jefes de la fuerza Cruz del Sur, el
batallón integrado por soldados argentinos
y chilenos, fueron invitados a dar una serie de
conferencias en el Pentágono para explicar
la forma en que dos ejércitos que estuvieron
a punto de entrar en guerra pudieron unir sus tropas
en señal de confianza mutua. Fuentes norteamericanas
aseguran que ese batallón será mostrado
como "un ejemplo para el mundo".


Con una relación
militar importante - aumentaron en los últimos
años los ejercicios conjuntos-, la agenda
positiva que maneja la diplomacia norteamericana
con nuestro país habilitó la posibilidad
de que se obtengan los F16. El paso inicial fue
dado, pese a Antonini Wilson y su valija.


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Argentina El primer desafío para Cristina Kirchner

El primer desafío para Cristina Kirchner
(El Ministerio de Defensa está muy interesado en los cazabombarderos F16)


Brasil se lanzó en forma decidida a tener un rol decisivo en la política militar de la región. El mes próximo, durante la reunión presidencial de la Unión Sudamericana de Naciones, el presidente Lula da Silva propondrá oficialmente la creación de una junta de defensa subcontinental. Esa posición la hizo pública horas después de participar de la asunción de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner. Y se lo había anticipado a la presidenta y a la ministra de Defensa, Nilda Garré, cuando visitaron Brasilia unos días antes.

Quienes conocen muy bien el pensamiento de Garré aseguran que a la funcionaria argentina le entusiasmó la iniciativa. Aunque también sabe que Brasil apunta con esa idea a fortalecer su aspiración de contar con un asiento permanente en el consejo de seguridad de la ONU. Para participar en el juego de los grandes países, el pago de admisión es tener una clara influencia militar en su vecindario. Y Brasil va por eso.

Lula dio finalmente luz verde el mes último a la construcción de un submarino a propulsión nuclear, un sistema de armas de ataque que desbalanceará el equilibrio militar subcontinental. La Armada Argentina compitió durante años con su par brasileña por ese proyecto de submarino, frenado hasta ahora por la diplomacia de ambos países.

Pero también Lula habilitó un ambicioso plan de rearme de sus fuerzas armadas, en una incipiente carrera armamentista en la cual la Argentina ni siquiera puede aspirar a entrar sin exponerse a una bacarrota. Sí, en cambio, los funcionarios de nuestro país esperan dar pasos para la modernización de los sistemas de armas, para que tengan la capacidad de interactuar con sus socios regionales.

************************************************************** * *
Durante su discurso de presentación en el Colegio Militar, la presidenta Kirchner evitó cualquier referencia concreta a la política militar. Pero un día antes, Garré reafirmó ante mandos castrenses que será prioritario el acercamiento a los países de la subregión. También pidió que los militares tomasen como "gestos" los aumentos presupuestarios para operaciones y compras de material, porque en esa línea se continuará en la medida que la economía nacional lo permita.

Para la presidencia de Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, el lanzamiento de Brasil como líder militar de la región será uno de los primeros desafíos concretos de su política internacional. Más aún porque Venezuela también aspira a convertirse en el gendarme regional y Chile prefiere acuerdos bilaterales antes que masivos, tal como siempre lo señaló su presidenta Michelle Bachelet.

Los diplomaticos brasileños y sus funcionarios de defensa recorren en estos días a sus países vecinos para instalar la idea de Lula. En los próximos días tendrán cita en la Argentina.

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